The conservatism of this mode of outlook (Hegel's)  is relative; its
revolutionary character is absolute — the only absolute dialectical
philosophy admits.

It is not necessary, here, to go into the question of whether this
mode of outlook is thoroughly in accord with the present state of
natural science, which predicts a possible end even for the Earth, and
for its habitability a fairly certain one; which therefore recognizes
that for the history of mankind, too, there is not only an ascending
but also a descending branch. At any rate, we still find ourselves a
considerable distance from the turning-point at which the historical
course of society becomes one of descent, and we cannot expect
Hegelian philosophy to be concerned with a subject which natural
science, in its time, had not at all placed upon the agenda as yet.

But what must, in fact, be said here is this: that in Hegel the views
developed above are not so sharply delineated. They are a necessary
conclusion from his method, but one which he himself never drew with
such explicitness. And this, indeed, for the simple reason that he was
compelled to make a system and, in accordance with traditional
requirements, a system of philosophy must conclude with some sort of
absolute truth. Therefore, however much Hegel, especially in his
Logic, emphasized that this eternal truth is nothing but the logical,
or, the historical, process itself, he nevertheless finds himself
compelled to supply this process with an end, just because he has to
bring his system to a termination at some point or other. In his
Logic, he can make this end a beginning again, since here the point of
the conclusion, the absolute idea — which is only absolute insofar as
he has absolutely nothing to say about it — “alienates”, that is,
transforms, itself into nature and comes to itself again later in the
mind, that is, in thought and in history. But at the end of the whole
philosophy, a similar return to the beginning is possible only in one
way. Namely, by conceiving of the end of history as follows: mankind
arrives at the cognition of the self-same absolute idea, and declares
that this cognition of the absolute idea is reached in Hegelian
philosophy. In this way, however, the whole dogmatic content of the
Hegelian system is declared to be absolute truth, in contradiction to
his dialectical method, which dissolves all dogmatism. Thus the
revolutionary side is smothered beneath the overgrowth of the
conservative side. And what applies to philosophical cognition applies
also to historical practice. Mankind, which, in the person of Hegel,
has reached the point of working out the absolute idea, must also in
practice have gotten so far that it can carry out this absolute idea
in reality. Hence the practical political demands of the absolute idea
on contemporaries may not be stretched too far. And so we find at the
conclusion of the Philosophy of Right that the absolute idea is to be
realized in that monarchy based on social estates which Frederick
William III so persistently but vainly promised to his subjects, that
is, in a limited, moderate, indirect rule of the possessing classes
suited to the petty-bourgeois German conditions of that time; and,
moreover, the necessity of the nobility is demonstrated to us in a
speculative fashion.

The inner necessities of the system are, therefore, of themselves
sufficient to explain why a thoroughly revolutionary method of
thinking produced an extremely tame political conclusion. As a matter
of fact, the specific form of this conclusion springs from this, that
Hegel was a German, and like his contemporary Goethe had a bit of the
philistine’s queue dangling behind. Each of them was an Olympian Zeus
in his own sphere, yet neither of them ever quite freed himself from
German philistinism.





Frederick Engels
Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy

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