Thank you for your response. I accept your response as sincere and honest.  I 
would consider it rude and intellectually dishonest for me to flood you with  
any more questions. Instead it might help for me to express my views and life 
 experience. 
 
You are correct: I only know the Soviet system from books and imagination  of 
what communism would look like in America given our current state of economic 
 development, culture, social interactions between various groupings of 
people,  vastness of territory and ideological concepts. You ask: 
 
>>> How come that ten years after "socialism" was "introduced"  dozens of 
thousands of people of all social groups mutiny against the system?)  and try 
the 
manage the production - in other words trying to instal what a  "real" CP 
should have done.<<<
 
Answer: Because the people were angry - dissatisfied, with their individual  
and collective life and had a vision of a better life and better self  
organization.  
 
Your explanation does not sound confusing to me at all but confirms my  
understanding and experience with industrial workers. Reform movements under  
socialism or capitalism are spontaneous movements of people seeking to reform  
the 
system in their favor. In their favor means a fight - striving, for expanded  
political liberties and a more equitable share of the social products. The 
goal  of these reform movements are never to overthrow the system of production 
 
because such is not possible. The system of production is not the political  
regime. The system of production we are talking about is the industrial system  
and not just an abstract industrial system but an industrial system at a  
historically definable state and stage of development. 
 
Here is the complexity and why I reject Ralph's screaming Stalinism as  
analysis. I am familiar with the life of that section and sector of the working 
 
class living their lives out in large scale industry and large industrial  
combines at the stage of development of the productive forces in America, 
having  
entered the auto industry at age 16 and retiring at age 49 - October 2001. I 
was  also a trade union official for the UAW - Autoworkers union. Here is why I 
asked  about stratification and real material groupings of the workers. 
 
My understanding - (no where as concrete and detailed as the life you have  
lived), is that the Hungarian Communist Party - (a "Stalinist" or Leninists  
Party (depending on point of view) was attempting to build socialism in a  
predominately peasant, Catholic country, with the lived experienced of a failed 
 
communist insurrection - 1918, in post WW II conditions of emerging from 
roughly 
 twenty five years of fascist dictatorship, that included an alliance with 
Nazi  Germany during WW II. 
 
My understanding of the internal divisions and popular (yes popular) unrest  
is taken from books exclusively, but so is my understanding of my own -  
American, history. Outside the time frame in which I lived as an adult. At the  
end 
of October 1956, the Hungarian uprising occurred and the remnants of fascist  
gangs sought to take advantage of the popular uprising to assassinate, beat  
and lynch Communist and their supporters. This uprising only ended after 
Soviet  military intervention in early November. 
 
The struggle of the workers can never be separated from the environment of  
the value system in which they live and act out their economic impulses. Ralph  
is sinning against reality when he writes: 
 
"Capitalism can only corrupt Eastern Europe because Stalinism had  thoroughly 
corrupted it for 45 years, and for 60 years in the USSR  itself. Good 
riddance to bad rubbish."  
 
The value relations is of course exchange of labor and with and in a  peasant 
country this means that as producers, it is not possible for them -  the 
peasants, to alienate their products except on the basis of exchange.  Ideally 
for 
industrial products. Politics and magical dialectics cannot resolve  an 
economic formation. Also the workers themselves - even under some form of  
socialism, engage in the value relations because labor exchange operates and  
must 
operate as a law of industrial production and not an abstract capitalism.  The 
difference between capitalism and socialism (at least in the past century)  is 
that the law of value is unrestricted under capitalism and allows means of  
production to pass in the individual holder of money. The law of value is  
restricted under socialism and this means that means of production - ownership  
of 
them and not the concept of "control," cannot pass into the hands of  
individuals - at least ownership of socially necessary means of production. 
 
This explanation needs expansion, but what is obvious is that industrial  
socialism, born in the less industrial developed countries was not and  could 
not 
be as industrially productive as the industrial system in  the America.  All 
the talk about socialism being more productive than  capitalism is pretty 
meaningless and misleading without a detail explanation of  what one is talking 
about. 
 
Industrial socialism owes its "productiveness" to the fact that capital or  
the social power of capital is directed to compartments of the economy designed 
 to first develop the industrial infrastructure and the industrial artifacts 
that  sit upon it, to ensure the overall transition from peasant to industrial 
 economy. Generally, what is called consumer products take a back seat and 
this  creates dissent and spawns a spontaneous reform movement of workers 
seeking  greater political liberties and a more equitable share of the social 
products -  consumer products. The pressure of the value relations comes from 
several  directions - none of them related to political Stalinism. 
 
Can I talk about this in more detail later? 
 
Hungary was dominated by another state or rather drawn into the orbit of  
Soviet socialism on the basis of military conquest of the Soviet Armed forces.  
This alone is and was a problem that no ideology can wish away. This also gives 
 one a clue about the weakness of Hungarian communism and the Hungarian  
communists. 
 
If people are not won to the cause of communism it will not win. 
 
See . . . all reform movements - (which are neither good or bad in the  sense 
of them being spontaneous movements generated on the basis of subtle and  
"geological shifts" in the productive forces, calls forth tendencies of  
"revolution" and "counter revolution" as was witnessed in the breakup of the  
Soviet 
Union. If people do not want socialism and are not won to it then they  are not 
going to accept socialism . . . period.  Actually, what is called  forth by 
the reform movement are the two tendencies of the revolutionary  
insurrectionists expressing competing and opposing political programs and  
political 
regimes. 
 
My point on the 1956 Hungarian Revolution is that it was not and could not  
be a revolution, but was a revolt and even a popular uprising, where the  
Hungarian communists faced the prospect of losing political power. The backdrop 
 I 
must consider and not wave away with the shake of my hand is the role of  
Hungary during the war. 

My point on the value system is that socialism is not a new social system  
and no where does Marx claim such or Lenin and Stalin for that matter. 
Socialism 
 is a political regime that transitions society to advance forth on the basis 
of  blocking the unrestricted operations of the law of value and preventing 
private  ownership of socially necessary means of production. 
 
I can say a few things about the so-called "workers movements" (which  really 
has meant the industrial workers movement and upon closer inspection the  
industrial workers in large enterprises rather than the poorest strata of the  
proletariat) and the whole concept of a workers government, which in my opinion 
 
has nothing in common with modern Marxism and what Marx and Lenin wrote 
about. 
 
1). The proletarian revolution is not a social revolution of the workers or  
a workers revolution. 
2). It is called the proletarian revolution because the proletariat - the  
lowest strata of modern society in particular - at least in America, and  not 
the highest paid industrial workers, must liberate all of society to  liberate 
itself. 
3). The reform movement of the workers for self management and self  
organization, under all conditions of modern society, is only one aspect of the 
 
proletarian - communist, revolution. 
 
Do I believe that the Hungarian so-called Revolution of 1956, is worthy of  
the support of world communism and to be viewed as a genuine workers movement  
towards communism? 
 
No . . . such is not my view. Do I believe that the communist of this era  
and experience can look back and reassess their experience? Yes. 
 
Communists and everyone else in Russia today, are reevaluating their  
experience and today see clearly that the insurrection - not revolution, was  
carried 
out by the bourgeois fascists, in league with AMerian led world  imperialism, 
after the communists lost the ideological and political battle  with world 
imperialism and then dropped the ball. Is the former Soviet Union and  Russia 
better today for the most poverty stricken sector of the proletariat? 
 
I am astute enough to understanding the complex logic of revolution and  
counterrevolutionary tendencies and the deep stratification within modern  
society. There were probably communist led revolts of the workers - for genuine 
 
reform of their conditions of labor, in and outside Budapest. 
 
The reality is that the Soviet military command could not allow any of its  
war time gains to be lost to the forces of world imperialism. The material  
available today indicates that Soviet political command was split on the issue  
which the voice of the CPC weighing in on containment - Soviet intervention, of 
 Hungary. It is my understanding the CPC itself threatened to send troops to  
preserve the then Soviet Block. 
 
In 1956 I was four (4) years old. Thus, if I am asked in retrospect, how I  
would have voted in 1956, if I was who I am today, it would have been with the  
Molotov group and the CPC. And you would probably not like my retrospective  
vote. 
 
Sorry. 
 
I hope I have not offended you but my desire was honest understanding.  
Today, the revolutionary advance is not to a form of industrial socialism but  
economic communism. 
 
 
Melvin P. 





In a message dated 10/21/2006 11:43:58 AM Central Daylight Time,  
[EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:

An attempt at answering some of your questions -- since answering all  of 
them would need either a book or a two-day conference. (Maybe I can answer  
some 
other points later.) Workers´ councils. Formed at some factories outside of  
Budapest (the capital which otherwise was the centre of the uprising. BTW 
hardly  any of those who try to see the urprising as an event "against 
socialism" - 
by  what they mean Soviet "socialism" - ask the simple question: How come 
that ten  years after "socialism" was "introduced" dozens of thousands of 
people 
of all  social groups mutiny against the system?) and try the manage the 
production - in  other words trying to instal what a "real" CP should have 
done. 
Which of course  was unthinkable given the Soviet system the USSR installed in 
all over Central  and Eastern Europe after 1945. In my opinion, in spite of all 
"dialectic",  trying to find "socialist" traces in this system - except in 
its very beginning  in early 20s - is a futile exercise as it had nothing to do 
neither with a new  social system  -- supposedly following the revolution -- 
nor with  Marxism.

I am well aware my "explanation" sounds a bit confused for anybody who  knows 
the Soviet (Communist) system from books and cannot give up his faith that  
the SU was a socialist state -- but my words may be just a first step in a  
discussion. Stephen 
 

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