1). The working class is tied to the capitalist class because  they are 
employed by them. Individuals rise and fall in and out of employment.  Some are 
able improve their wages and standard of living. The tend is an  increasing 
mass 
of underemployed, low wage labor and unemployment.  

The question being posed is: "what is the meaning of class  struggle in 
America and how can we win concessions from the capitalists?"  
 
2). There is an identity of interest between capital and labor because they  
constitute the meaning of capital. Without this identity of interest 
capitalism  - as a mode of production, could not exist. The dominating feature 
of the  
capital-labor relationship is bonding (unity). It is only at specific moments  
that struggle, or a rupture takes place, carrying the working masses to the  
threshold of political revolution. The struggle within and between these major 
 classes, has been for the past century (in America) to reform the system in  
favor of one or the other. To extract more wages, political liberties,  
desegregate, send kids to better schools and college and then, go back to work. 
 

3). National health care is the perfect example of a winnable  concession 
because of the identity of interest between workers, capitalist and  
unemployed, 
and everyone else. 
 
A fight inside the UAW has been over the refusal to organize our members to  
demand a national health care system outside the responsibility of the company 
-  employer. The refusal to battle for national health care as mobilization 
of the  ranks is cowardice - fear, of the membership and setting in motion a 
wave of  discontent. Inside the UAW today, at the highest level, the 
individuals 
at the  commanding heights of power are not facing some ideological opponent 
preventing  them from acting. The individuals (as a group process), are 
cowards, ignorant  and some simply do not care. Their Chrysler, Ford, GM 
pension 
plus ten years of  service in the International union, will give them pensions 
of 
a little over  $7,000.000 (seven thousand) a month. 

Yet, winning national health  care is highly probable because it unburdens 
direct expenditure for health care  cost. Rather than protest union leaders 
place the cost burden on the backs of  retired workers and cut backs in 
programs. 

Winning national health  care does not and will not mean that Obama will be 
pushed to the left or right,  or that he is good or bad for that matter. 
Winning national health care means we  have been successful in pinpointing what 
is 
possible based on a reading of class  identity, class alignments, the relative 
strength of contending forces within  classes and so on. An organized fight 
for national health care will put steel in  the backs of th wavering and 
scared. 
A section of capital desperately needs the  government to foot the bill for 
national health care and so does the working  class as a whole. 


4). This "identity of interest" dynamic apply to housing demands on one  
level and certainly food stamps. A grouping within capital are most certainly  
sending their lobbyists to "the heights of constitutional authority" screaming  
that the people are hungry and need food. Retail business from Wal Mart to  
Publics and all the supermarket chains are going to impact the body politic  
demanding expanded food production and consumption, aligning themselves with 
the  
masses. "Increase my capital, or rather the masses food consumption." The food 
 processing industry wants the people to eat and buy their products.  

Concession can be won and are worth fighting for in the here and  now. 
Winning them does not mean you pushed someone to the left, or made an  
incremental 
step along the path to political power. Nor does it means we have  won an 
increment of socialism. 

What can be won is food.  

The same can be said to a degree concerning extension of  unemployment 
benefits. Unemployment tends to beget more unemployment as a cycle.  The people 
need 
money to buy things and keep the economy functioning. A huge  section of 
capital is clamoring for help, but so are the workers. The points of  
intersection 
of class interest is where communists apply the most force. Not  because we 
can win socialism in increments, but because these issues are the  spontaneous 
program of the workers.  

There is a list of  points of identity. Everyone understands this process on 
one level of another,  but it is never presented as a coherent theory of real 
class collision and  collusion. Instead, one tendency is to look at the 
individual in office  (Roosevelt for instance) and pin ones hope on them being 
the 
image of the Second  coming of Christ. 

Capital is bonded to labor as the foundation of  the system. Capital and 
labor are bonded in such a way that only the individual  can walk out of this 
relationship, but not an entire class. The mutual struggle  within their 
primary 
bonding is what drives classes and society through the  quantitative boundary 
of a given stage of the mode of production. Reform is  possible at various 
boundaries and also concessions can be won based on identity  of interest. 
 
5).  It was a very simple thing for the bourgeoisie to use us -  
(communists), as foot solider's, during the period of transition from craft  
unionism to 
industrial unionism:under Roosevelt. 

What explains the  workers behavior? The workers are and were very patriotic 
no matter what the  program of the CPUSA, or anyone else. The workers in their 
millions supported  the war effort and the political group - CPUSA in this 
instance, said "Support  the War Against Fascism! Defend the Soviet Union." 
This 
is not literally what  happened but briefly sums up identity of interest. It 
was the workers  themselves, who supported and imposed the "no strike 
agreement" on themselves -  in the main. The idea that the CPUSA imposed this 
on the 
workers gives the party  to much credit and strength. 

The war created a moment of political  and ideological identity between, an 
important section of the industrial workers  and the need to stabilize war 
production. These workers voiced their demands for  union and Roosevelt - 
capital, 
agreed that production had to be stabilized. The  consequence appeared in the 
ideological and political arena. 

After  Foster meet with Roosevelt our fate was sealed.  If one can speak of a 
 "ballot box socialism" as ideology and a coherent theory, here is its origin 
in  America: Foster's meeting with Roosevelt. 

Let's look at a lost  fight that will produce zero - no, concessions. 
 
6). Auto for example is a lost fight. Sorry, but an increasing   section of 
the American people are turning against the automobile as an  institution; auto 
workers and their union are viewed as selfish higher paid  workers who care 
for no one but themselves and they make crappy cars. No  decisive section of 
capital cares about auto. The density of its organic  composition of capital is 
high, meaning lots of machines and advance robotics or  high fixed cost and 
this combines with its universal overcapacity, making auto  an unattractive 
investment vehicle. 

The auto workers as  individuals, will become revolutionized in their decay 
and disintegration.  Fortunately, these auto workers losing their jobs forever, 
are pushed into a  lower level of the working class and here they bring their 
experience and  awareness of organization, along with other real world 
skills. After settling  into their new life amongst the real proletarian 
masses, 
many of them will be an  attribute to the revolutionary movement. 

Those fighting to save  auto, or rather the Detroit auto makers, even under 
the banner of  nationalization, will be and are being side stepped by the 
masses. The  intersecting points of identity within the working class or 
between 
labor and  capital are missing. Lobbying in Washington for auto is a thankless 
task today.  The only - and I mean only, single point of intersection is health 
care, but . .  . the fight for health care by the auto workers require them 
to surrender their  identity as auto workers and leap outside the bound of 
employer-employee  conflict. 

7). The electoral process is placed in the context of  our living process; as 
real classes and real social and political grouping,  colliding and 
contending - in collusion. The hallmark of a communist is the  ability to 
independently 
find their own bearing amid the social chaos, twists  and turns and submerged 
rocks that lay along the path of social and political  revolution. How can 
one find their bearing if no one discusses what is the basis  and context of 
the 
social struggle?

Not only the bourgeoisie but  the workers themselves have not been on the 
side of communism. Their connection  with capital, which is daily eroding, was 
to 
strong in the past and being  reasonably intelligent folks the workers 
adopted the program of the capitalist.  The capitalist program in post war 
America 
promised the working class certain  benefits and delivered them. Reuther's 
power was not his oratory. He delivered  the bacon. 

All the clamoring and penning away from the CPUSA about  the "right and 
"ultra right" today is meant to align the workers with the left.  The left is 
the 
Democratic Party. 

The struggle around TARP, is  interesting. Here is a political fight with no 
significant base in the working  class and militant oppression from within 
capital. Home ownership is basically  an arena of the best paid workers 
historically and no one cares because someone  lost their house. Many of those 
who lost 
"their houses" don't care and simply  rent. Millions are simply walking away 
from their mortgage. 

The  Bush W. regime cares little about someone losing their mortgage. The 
profit  centers for speculative investment remain structured debt. None of this 
means  life is to be understand as hard categories or boxes. It is simply a 
model to  make sense of a world that often seems filled with nothing but 
nonsense.  

How Mr. Obama deals with pensions and social security is going to  determine 
his fate. That is my guess before he has taken office. For the past 30  years, 
the speculator (as a class concept dominating the world total capital)  has 
eyed with passionate lust, these huge pools of money. Obama did give a  signal 
about "entitlements" and scaling back and mentioned Social Security in  the 
same sentence. 


WL
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