The Economy Is Not Coming Back
Part I: A Short History of the Maelstrom

by Gilles d'Aymery

(Swans - September 20, 2010)  Another mid-term election is looming
in the United States. Next November, the electorate will choose
the political team that in the midst of a recession and
widely-held fears about the future will carry the day. One side
will win. It matters not though, because neither of the two
contesting political parties is willing to face reality: The U.S.
is not in a so-called great recession. It is in a latent
depression. What has stopped it from becoming a full-fledged
depression has been the willingness of the elites, both under the
Bush II and Obama administrations, to resort to age-old Keynesian
policies to stem the hemorrhage -- soup kitchen lines have so far
been substituted by government checks in the mail. Some argue that
governments' actions have not been enough to stem the recessionary
times. Others claim that too much has been done, and time has come
to cut spending and taxes in order to let the economy run to its
natural ever-growing self. Again, it matters not, whatever
position is taken. Do or don't, the economy is not coming back,
and it should not. The Republican plan to cut spending (an age-old
endeavor) will only bring more pain and social devastation. The
Democratic plan to pump up the economy through deficit spending
will only delay the actuality that the bind we all are in is a
Catch-22. The economy that we have been used to in the past
half-century is simply not going to come back. This three-part
analysis will attempt to show the historical making of the dire
and deepening crisis we all face, then try to demonstrate why the
past paradigm won't and shouldn't come back, and end with a few
suggestions that hopefully will lead to a future that is not
predicated on the dead end the few want the many to embrace.

To fully grasp the extent of the current crisis one needs to take
a short and much abridged walk through history. Human
relationships have long been a story of antagonisms among the
haves and the have-nots. In the feudalism era sharecroppers and
peasants were peons of landowners and the divine royalties. The
rise of the entrepreneurial class with the advent of the
Industrial Revolution and capitalism led to a (often violent)
change in leadership. The bourgeoisie overthrew the old order and
the working masses migrated from the land to the mines and the
factories and the shipyards, etc. Working conditions were
execrable and the exploitation of the laborers was so prevalent
(1) that they benefited the happy few and led to la belle ?poque,
the Gilded Age, for the moneyed class whose rate of profits was
very high and to labor demands for more equitable sharing of the
created wealth and humane working conditions -- demands that were
met with recurring violent and bloody repressions. The class
struggles, which can be defined in layman's terms as profits for
the few vs. the well being of the many (and private property vs.
collective ownership), became the order of the era, increasingly
influenced by political economists and philosophers. (2) The 1917
Russian Revolution threatened the moneyed class more than ever
even though their hold on power with its resulting excesses in the
accumulation of wealth could not be tamed until the Great
Depression hit. In its wake, reformists like FDR and socialist
parties in Europe cut their feathers substantially. Progressive
taxation on income, estate, and capital was put in place; salaries
among the wealthiest and the average workers trimmed from a ratio
of about 400:1 to 30:1; social programs instituted... It must be
remembered that workers' rights, unions, public education, health
care, Social Security, public services, women's rights, civil
rights, secular regimes, etc., are all a legacy of the left, which
shed so much blood and tears to achieve these gains (even though
the record ought to be tempered by the same left's avocation of
the "civilizing mission" in far away lands -- i.e., colonialism).
Nonetheless, the moneyed class became so worried about the loss of
their privileges and the spread of socialist ideas that they, in
Europe and in the U.S., supported Mussolini's Fascism and Hitler's
National Socialism until well into World War Two when Hitler,
instead of focusing on their interests -- the destruction of the
Soviet Union and communist expansion in Europe -- launched an
attack on their own countries and interests.

In 1945, Europe lay in ruins, its infrastructure and industries
devastated, its people impoverished, lacking food and services
(like electricity and water). Communist parties, particularly in
France and Italy, gained strong traction and the influence of the
Soviet Union loomed large. Threatened by the advance of leftist
ideas, the powers-that-be chose to join them half way. Western
elites devised a reconstruction plan based on Keynesian-Fordism --
state control and planning of the economy to varying degrees, mass
post-Taylorism production, progressive taxation, collective
bargaining through strong unions, and the transfer of gains in
productivity to the salaried work force in the form of higher
wages, which greased the wheel of demand for industrial
production. The USA was an intimate participant in that process
through the European Recovery Program (the Marshall Plan) passed
by Congress in 1947, which was motivated by three objectives:
First, to create new markets for American products (the U.S. was
producing 55% of worldwide manufactured products in 1945 and
feared a potential domestic recession could happen if new markets
were not developed). Second, to neutralize and work against the
growing influence of the Soviet Union and the Communist parties in
Western Europe. Third, an altruistic desire to alleviate the dire
conditions Europeans faced...which could lead to social unrest and
bring on political developments that its second objective aimed to
prevent (American idealism has always been mated with a heavy dose
of pragmatic self-interest).

full: http://www.swans.com/library/art16/ga287.html

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