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On 2014-03-07, at 2:05 AM, glparrama...@greenleft.org.au wrote:

> By Boris Kagarlitsky, Moscow; translated by Renfrey Clarke
> 
> March 4, 2014 – Links International Journal of Socialist Renewal -- Why,
> do you suppose, war has not yet broken out between Russia and Ukraine? The
> answer is very simple: no one plans to go to war, and no one can. Kiev for
> practical purposes does not have an army, while the government that has
> appeared in Kiev has no control over half of Ukraine, and cannot even
> exercise particular control over its own supporters. If the Ukrainian
> authorities make any serious attempt to mobilise their forces, this will
> merely provoke new protests. Even rumours of such a possibility have been
> enough to provoke anti-government demonstrations in Odessa.
> 
> Full article at http://links.org.au/node/3752

Kagarlitsky's continuing analysis of the contending forces has been superb. 
From the same article:

More than likely, the present authorities in Kiev will not hold out for long…

Commentators in Moscow who are sympathetic to them remind us constantly that 
most of the ministries in the new government are not held by radicals from 
Svoboda or the Right Sector, but by more moderate politicians. Meanwhile, the 
commentators neglect to mention that these “moderates” are hostages of the 
radicals. As Mao said, power comes from the barrel of a gun. In circumstances 
where the army has fallen to pieces, and the organs of law enforcement have 
either been smashed, or are demoralised, or have been placed under the control 
of the Right Sector, it is the radical nationalists who control the situation. 
The “moderates” in the government are only tolerated because they have promised 
to stop the eastern provinces splitting away. Now that they are failing to cope 
with this task, they will be purged. Either western Ukraine will move against 
Kiev as well, seeking the formation of a more resolute and “national” 
government as a “response to Russian aggression”, or the same impulse will come 
from within the capital itself. In either case, right-wing pressure will result 
in such a government being formed that Kiev itself will rise in revolt.

In the east, meanwhile, the disintegration of the Party of the Regions and the 
collapse of the old administration have not resulted in the “triumphant 
progress” of the Maidan movement, but on the contrary, to growing resistance to 
the new authorities holding sway in Kiev. Among leftists, the deepening 
economic crisis is sowing hopes that the demonstrations under “national 
slogans” will soon be replaced by class-based protests both in the east and the 
west. Developments of this sort, however, do not occur automatically.

Neither Maidan nor the demonstrations in the east have had the character of a 
spontaneous popular revolution. In both cases, outside forces have been 
involved. The class nature of the new regime in Kiev was demonstrated with 
striking clarity when billionaire oligarchs were appointed to key posts in the 
eastern regions. In exchange for “stabilisation”, they were offered the chance 
to privatise not only the economy in the eastern provinces, but also the 
functions of power. Meanwhile, it should be noted that the people who are now 
coming to power in the east are not exactly sons and daughters of the popular 
masses either.

The only cause for optimism is the fact that from the beginning, the 
ideological vector of the protests in the east has been different from that in 
the west. Left activists were driven from the Maidan in Kiev and beaten up 
(that is not to mention what happened to left-wing symbols and monuments). In 
Kharkov and Odessa, by contrast, Soviet monuments were defended, and here and 
there people even raised red flags. But there should be no illusions here: what 
is involved for the present is cultural differences rather than class 
positions. Members of the left need to work in the protest movement in the 
eastern regions, strengthening their influence and helping to shape a positive 
program. In this case, there is a real chance that the entire movement can be 
shifted to more progressive positions, and that the left can win hegemony 
within it. This is no more than a potential opening, but with the Maidan 
movement no such chance existed.

The conflict unfolding in Ukraine is not a contest of unalloyed good versus 
unambiguous evil. Nor is it even a contest between a “Russian” south and east 
and a “Ukrainian” west. In both cases, economic interests are intertwined with 
cultural contradictions, and the logic of the conflict is leading to the 
formation of alliances that do not always correspond to declared ideologies. 
What is occurring is not so much a split within the country as its 
fragmentation.
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