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Kagarlitsky has taken a very optimistic standpoint here, as I feel that
there are two competing agendas afoot in Eastern Ukraine, one, a
class-based one, which we would support, and another, a Russian nationalist
one, which I hope we would reject. There will inevitably be fears, quite
justified, that the austerity measures that the new Kiev government is
promising on behalf of Western financial organisations, will hit hard in
Eastern Ukraine, and will threaten jobs as the industries there are exposed
to the world market. The sight of the Ukrainian far-right providing the
muscle that deposed Yanukovich's government, their growing infiltration
into the police and militia and their prominent inclusion in the Cabinet
cannot be a happy one, particularly with their strong anti-Russian
chauvinism.

However, Kagarlitsky downplays the impact of Russian chauvinism that is
evident in Eastern Ukraine, and was evident in the Crimea for some time
before the referendum and secession. Unless class politics come to the
fore, the fears and concerns of people in Eastern Ukraine can be pushed
into a chauvinist, anti-Ukrainian direction, and reports I have seen
indicate that anti-fascist and anti-Western slogans can be deployed by
Russian nationalists for their own purposes. The call for autonomy of
Eastern regions of Ukraine could, and will if the Russian nationalists make
the running, lead to discrimination against Ukrainians, reports from the
Crimea about the treatment of Tartars do not augur well in this respect.

Altogether, Kagarlitsky is taking the sort of romantic view of events in
Eastern Ukraine as some people did with the Maidan protests: presenting the
positive aspects as the predominant tendency whilst downplaying the
negative and dangerous sides. And just as the Maidan protests ended up with
the Ukrainian far-right making considerable gains and with a government
pledged to austerity, the positive aspects of current developments in
Eastern Ukraine might be submerged by a wave of very nasty Russian
nationalism.

Paul F
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