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The problem with the labor-negotiation analogy, as with so many of Louis's
bogus comparisons, is that unions go into negotiations  threatening to
strike if they can't arrive at a satisfactory deal with the bosses. What
was Syriza's equivalent of a strike threat? Did they think they
could persuade the Eurocrats of the reasonableness of their position?
Appeal to their decency and humanity?

Louis writes:

If they had anticipated the ferocity of the German response, as well as the
willingness of France’s “Socialist” Party to back the Germans, maybe they
would have decided not to run for office.

But was this response so hard to anticipate?

On Feb. 1, I wrote in a post to this newsgroup:

Let us take stock. I don’t claim to know how things will turn out, but if I
were a pro-austerity Eurocrat or banker, I might calculate as follows: “We
have within our power an enormous capacity to make the Greek economy scream
even louder than it already is, and to underwrite anti-Syriza forces.
Greece is a small country whose default, even exit from the Eurozone, is
something we can withstand.  It therefore makes more sense to tighten the
screws and make an example of Syriza now than pursue some genuine
compromise that will only embolden Podemos and others. We can certainly
offer Tsipras a few sops in return for his agreement to act as the human
face of austerity. But, beyond that, what’s to be gained by compromise?”

How was I able to anticipate what Syriza was not? Is it because I'm a
soothsayer or a genius? No, it's rather because I'm a Marxist, whose
political-theoretical training allows me to penetrate all the illusions and
verbiage that surround such events as these to perceive the intractable
class realities at the core. Others who call themselves Marxists are
apparently unable to do so. The reality in this case is that ensuring the
domination of the bankers and more powerful states is the essence of
the common currency and the EU; that those, like Varoufakis, who peddle the
middle calss illusion of the possibility of a "social Europe" are deceiving
both themselves and the millions who are following them. We didn't have to
wait for the outcome of these talks to find this out.

Maybe Syriza does have an answer to Greece's plight besides further
negotiations. Maybe they are simply buying time in order to implement a
secret Plan B. So far, however, I see no evidence of it. And if, as Louis
seems to think, no Plan B is possible, what then? Should the Greek people
resign themselves in advance to a defeat like the one the Sandinistas
suffered, which Louis assures us was also inevitable? Maybe the bosses are
just too strong to fight.

Jim Creegan
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