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Grexit remains the likely outcome of this sorry process

FT.com
July 19, 2015 12:54 pm
Wolfgang Munchau

Unless the economy behaves very differently than in the past, it will be 
trapped in a vicious circle

___________

Alexis Tsipras should never have hired Yanis Varoufakis as his finance 
minister. Or he should have listened to him, and kept him on. But instead the 
Greek prime minister chose the worst of all options. He followed Mr Varoufakis’ 
advice of rejecting the offer of the creditors — until last week. But having 
done this, Mr Tsipras committed a critical error by rejecting Mr Varoufakis’ 
plan B for the moment when the country’s banks closed down: the immediate 
introduction of a parallel currency — IOUs issues by the Greek state but 
denominated in euros. A parallel currency would have allowed the Greeks to pay 
for their daily transactions when cash withdrawals were limited to €60 a day. A 
total economic collapse would have been avoided.

But Mr Tsipras did not go for this, or indeed any other plan B. Instead he 
capitulated. At that point, he was no longer even in a position to choose a 
Grexit — a Greek exit from the eurozone. The economic precondition for a smooth 
departure would have been a primary surplus — before debt service — and an 
equivalent surplus in the private sector. Greece has no foreign exchange 
reserves. If the Greeks were to reintroduce the drachma, they would have had to 
pay for all of their imports with the foreign exchange earnings of their 
exports. These minimum preconditions were in place in March but not in July.

So, like his predecessors, Mr Tsipras ended up with another very lousy bailout 
deal. And this one suffers from the same fundamental flaws as its predecessors. 
This leads me to conclude that Grexit remains the most likely ultimate outcome 
after all.

There are three principal ways in which this can happen. The first is that a 
deal is simply not concluded. All that was agreed last week is for negotiations 
to start, plus some interim financing. A deal might fail because principal 
participants themselves are sceptical. Wolfgang Schäuble, the German finance 
minister, says he will keep up his offer of a Grexit in his drawer, just in 
case the negotiations fail. Mr Tsipras denounced the agreement on several 
occasions last week. And the International Monetary Fund is telling us that the 
numbers do not add up, and that it will not sign unless the European creditors 
agree to debt relief. 

The Germans refuse any discussion on this subject, citing some trumped-up rules 
according to which eurozone countries are not allowed to default. This is legal 
hogwash, but I suppose the purpose is to describe new red lines in the 
negotiations.
My hunch is that they will ultimately fudge a deal, but that will come — as it 
always does — with overwhelming collateral damage: less debt relief than 
needed, and more austerity than Greece can bear.

A more likely Grexit scenario is that a programme is agreed and then fails. The 
Athens government may implement all the measures the creditors demand, but the 
economy fails to recover and debt targets remain elusive. Mr Tsipras already 
agreed last week that if this situation arose, he would pile on more austerity. 
So, unless the economy behaves in future in a very different way from the way 
it behaved in the past, it will remain trapped in a vicious circle for many 
years to come. At that point, Mr Tsipras, or his successor, could concede 
defeat and opt for a negotiated Grexit as the least painful option. Grexit 
could also be forced on them by the creditors.

My own most likely Grexit scenario is a different one yet again. Donald Tusk, 
the president of the European Council, hinted at this in his interview with the 
Financial Times last week when he said that he felt “something revolutionary” 
in the air. He is on to something. The most probable scenario for me is Grexit 
through insurrection. Give it another three years, and I would not be surprised 
to see Mr Tusk and his colleagues in the European Council having to entertain 
even more drastic action to quell a crisis. 

Greece is not quite at the point of insurrection yet — despite eight years of 
recession. Opinion polls still reflect a majority of the people in favour of 
keeping the euro. In real life people choose between a small number of 
political alternatives and settle for the one they think works best for the 
economy. They voted for Mr Tsipras and his Syriza party in January because the 
other parties failed to deliver. If Syriza fails to deliver, too, as it surely 
will, the Greeks will have no democratic choices left.

Can Mr Tsipras still avert disaster? If there is a snap election in the autumn, 
he might well win it and then revive Mr Varoufakis’ parallel currency idea at 
some point. But I think the parallel currency moment has gone with the man. My 
hunch is that Mr Tsipras will run a rabble-rousing political campaign, with a 
lot of rhetoric against the creditors but then agree to whatever the creditors 
are demanding, and follow the programme to its dramatic climax.

http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/00765226-2c94-11e5-8613-e7aedbb7bdb7.html?siteedition=intl#axzz3gaKv49Bk
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