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Thank you, Dayne Goodwin, for actually commenting on the essence of the
article.
Let's look at it from the other point of view - that of bourgeois
democracy. Under that form of rule, the bulk of the capitalist class must
be able to maintain a widespread base of support in the working class and
the petit bourgeois. Not just general support for capitalism, but also for
the policies it deems as necessary. As the example of the Chamber of
Commerce shows, I think that that support has largely slipped away. Take
some other issues: The TPP, "free" trade in general, the Paris Climate
Accord, the accord with Iran... And, most important, whom it wants elected
as president. Its first choice was Jeb Bush. Then came Hillary Clinton. The
overwhelming bulk of the capitalist class did not favor Trump.
I think that bonepartism arises when the capitalist class can no longer
rule in the old way and the working class cannot take power - usually
nowadays because of the role of its leadership. In that sort of situation,
a strong man or woman arises, partly out of control of the ruling class
itself. Not all bonapartist regimes are identical. Not by a long shot. On
the one hand, we have the examples of the PRI in Mexico, which ruled for 70
years. It was the old Lazaro Cardenas who brought it to power, exactly out
of the sort of situation I described. Once in power, he and the PRI leaned
on the working class, at times ruling in its favor, and along the way
looting the capitalist class. Then there is the old Batista dictatorship in
Cuba. Interestingly, he originally came to power as a "leftist" and he
ruled with the support of the Cuban Communist Party. I think it was similar
with Peron in Argentina. Then there is Putin, who I would argue is also a
bonapartist dictator.
Note that in all these cases, bourgeois democratic freedoms are not
completely eliminated.
Dayne seems to use bonapartism and fascism interchangeably. I look at it
differently. I think fascists have a crazed mass base and their own private
army of thugs. Hitler's SS are the classic example. That's what allows
fascism to go a lot further. (I used to think there was a hard and fast
difference between bonapartism and fascism, but I'm not so sure anymore.
Look at Pinochet in Chile. He went nearly as far as some fascists did. Or
Papa Doc Duvalier in Haiti, who had his private army of thugs, the Ton Ton
Macoute.)
In neither case is the mainstream of the capitalist class "thrilled" with
its ruler. In Mexico. the capitalists large and small constantly grumbled
about how the PRI dictatorship ripped them off. (Read Traven's "The State"
for a description.) While a wing of the capitalist class is happy with
Trump's policies that lead to improved quarterly results, there is also a
major wing that is deeply unhappy. For a hint at what is coming, look at
the proposed merger of AT&T and Time Warner that Trump's (in)Justice
Department fought. Why did they fight it? As retribution for Timer Warner's
editorial policies against Trump. I think this is clear from reading the
opinion pieces in the NY Times and the Washington Post, vs. the Wall St.
Journal the deep, deep divisions in the US capitalist class. And even his
supporters are very critical of some of his important policies, especially
his trade policies.
Finally, as far as the Putin-Trump relationship: Sure, Trump gets something
out of it. He gets the silence of Putin as far as his (Trump's) past. He
also gets the electoral help. And while the extreme weakness of the
Democrats' candidate was by far and away the main reason that Trump won, I
don't think we can dismiss the effect of that support. According to Craig
Unger ("House of Trump, House of Putin") studies by UC Berkeley and Swansea
University in Wales concluded that Russian intervention swung 3.23% of the
vote for Trump. That was overall, but because of the electoral college
system, what matters is state-by-state. Trump won Wisconsin 47.2% to 45.5%.
He won Pennsylvania 48.2% to 47.5%. Etc. So, if Russian intervention just
tipped the vote in such states by half of that overall estimate, it made
the difference. (NOTE: I am NOT saying that Trump won because of Putin.
It's like a football game where one side, which normally is faster and
stronger, vastly underperforms with a number of fumbles, missed catches,
and general lack of attention. But because they're faster and stronger,
they keep the game close. Then the ref blows a call in favor of the other
team. That call was the final straw, but all the fumbles and lack of
attention of the stronger team is what really made the ultimate difference.)
The main thing is this: Maybe Trump does not represent a qualitative step
towards bonapartism, although I believe he does. But in any case, never
before in US history have we had a president who had such ties to a rival
capitalist class, and one that rules through outright bonapartism at that.
Shouldn't that cause us to step back and look at the situation in the US
through fresh eyes?
John Reimann
On Thu, May 9, 2019 at 10:35 PM Dayne Goodwin <daynegood...@gmail.com>
wrote:
> some thoughts -
> doesn't 'Bonapartism' develop in a situation of relative stalemate in the
> class struggle? Is that the situation in the U.S. today?
>
> Does past historical experience indicate that the bulk of the capitalist
> class is typically thrilled to adjust to relying more and more on a fascist
> dictator?
>
> Is the Putin-Trump relationship one-sided or do they both find some
> advantages in it? Maybe Trump's 'friendly' relationship with Putin is an
> ancillary asset as Trump jockeys for power in the U.S. capitalist state?
>
>
>
>
>
>
--
*“In politics, abstract terms conceal treachery.” *from "The Black
Jacobins" by C. L. R. James
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