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http://platypus1917.org/2010/04/08/book-review-robert-fitch-solidarity-for-sale-how-corruption-destroyed-the-labor-movement-and-undermined-america’s-promise/<http://platypus1917.org/2010/04/08/book-review-robert-fitch-solidarity-for-sale-how-corruption-destroyed-the-labor-movement-and-undermined-america%E2%80%99s-promise/>

*ONE HAS TO ADMIRE THEIR PERSISTENCE.* *Labor Notes, *the flagship journal
of the domestic labor Left, professes itself to be “the voice of union
activists who want to put the movement back into the labor
movement.”<http://www.labornotes.org/about>Though
stylistically about as riveting as the phonebook, for more than three
difficult decades *Labor Notes* has critically observed and recorded
organized labor’s endemic corruption, democratic shortcomings, and gross
ineptitude in organizing workers in the private sector, where today only 7.2
percent of Americans are unionized. In a typically journalistic manner, most
of these problems are blamed on the perfidy of individuals: union staffers
and leaders insufficiently committed to class solidarity and grassroots
participation. Similarly, the striking decline in union strength is
attributed to deindustrialization and the hypermobility of global capital in
the neoliberal age. What is needed, according to this standard *Labor
Notes* narrative,
is new currents within the labor movement to bring to power more dynamic
actors capable of meeting the challenges of the new century. In his new
book *Solidarity for
Sale*<http://www.amazon.com/Solidarity-Sale-Corruption-Destroyed-Undermined/dp/189162072X>
longtime
labor activist Robert Fitch <http://www.solidarityforsale.com/> begs to
differ.

“Corruption,” Fitch argues, “flows from the retarded development of American
unions, which still haven’t broken out of nineteenth-century models of labor
organization” (ix). Modern labor’s rot began at its genesis, Fitch claims.
It derives from the exclusionary craft unionism initiated by the American
Federation of Labor (AFL). A century ago unskilled workers, minorities, and
women were willfully neglected, while mainstream unions opposed even the
most rudimentary social democratic legislation to benefit the wider working
class. The famous AFL president Samuel Gompers even opposed eight-hour
workday legislation on ideological grounds, differentiating the AFL from
European unions that he saw as “espousing an effeminate social welfare
philosophy as well as a primitive egalitarianism” (40). The AFL was
concerned with wages. The mixture of this self-interested “business
unionism” and the conditions in certain sectors of the economy like the
textile industry, where craft unions predominated and employers were
numerically small enough to be cajoled, facilitated the rise of job-control
unionism. This rendered workers subservient to union officials doling out
jobs, which in turn reinforced an insular culture of loyalty predicated upon
fear rather than solidarity. Though defended by many progressives, Fitch
sees this uniquely American development as noxious, making domestic unions
highly susceptible to penetration by organized crime.

Stretches of Fitch’s account read like a crime-noir novel. Questioning the
founding narrative of big labor, a tale that conveniently begins with the
struggle for the eight-hour day and ends with the New Deal, Fitch airs dirty
laundry with the cheek of a muckraking journalist. While such tales of the
corruption and mob-dealings of figures like Sam Parks, Cornelius “Con”
Shea<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cornelius_Shea>
, Jimmy Hoffa <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jimmy_Hoffa>, and Ron
Carey<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ron_Carey_%28labor_leader%29> are
not entirely ignored by other members of the labor left, they are typically
consigned to the realm of anecdotal gossip. In Fitch’s narrative, these are
not just the failings of unsavory individuals, but of structurally
compromised institutions.

[....]
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