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On April 12, 2002, the Venezuelan media were gloating how a day earlier they
had removed the troublesome Hugo Chavez from power. Theirs was not an empty
boast. The private television channels and newspapers’ sustained campaign
against the President had paid off in what some have called the world’s
first media coup. The media did not just spin a yarn; they planned and,
together with the military high command and the Catholic hierarchy, executed
the coup. Eight years on, somewhat chastened but not reformed, they are
having to face up to a different media landscape.

The overwhelming majority of the Venezuelan television, radio stations and
newspapers is in private hands and as implacably hostile to the Bolivarian
movement as ever. Their daily dose of psy-ops influences a significant part
of the middle classes and, as the government supporters say, damages
society’s mental health. Yet the state has avoided a head-on conflict with
the old media establishment. Instead, the Bolivarian movement is creating
its own media outlets and its sustained critique of the mainstream news is
beginning to reach the communities.

Its latest initiative was unveiled on April 12, with the swearing-in of the
first batch of 75 teenage “communication guerrillas” in a Caracas school.
These 13- to 17-year-olds were trained for several months in media skills,
some traditional and others not. The latter category includes handing out
leaflets, engaging people on the streets, conducting interviews, using
megaphones and drawing murals. They have also been trained in the use of
radio, television and the Internet. The communication guerrillas will unite
with cultural and music troupes to reinforce their presence on the streets,
in schools and in their own communities. Hector Navarro, Venezuela’s
Education Minister, says the communication guerrillas will unmask the lies
of the Opposition-controlled media, “break with traditional styles, the
monopoly of the media and put communication in the hands of the people”.

Why call them guerrillas? The terminology was first used in one of Chavez’s
recent television appearances by his Vice President, Elias Jaua, and the
President seemed to relish it.  “Guerrillas have several characteristics,”
says Navarro, “mobility, autonomy, versatility and they respond to the
interests of the people… and this can also be attributed to communication.
They do not have to wait for someone to lay down the line but that they
automatically act and respond”. The shots these guerrillas will fire will be
that of ideas, answering the establishment media campaigns. This is an
ideological force, says Navarro, not an urban militia, as the hostile
mainstream media has already made them out to be.  Another Minister, Edgardo
Ramirez, had a more pert answer. Because wherever there is terror, there are
guerrillas. And in Venezuela the corporate media sows terror, instigates
coups and tries to drive the population to violence.

The Chavez government’s strategy of creating community media is beginning to
pay off. Local radio and television stations and print magazines are
flourishing as never before. At least two major dailies now carry the
Bolivarian message. Venezuela has Latin America’s highest Internet access,
thanks in no small way to the hundreds of information centres set up by the
government, which are free to use and which make the population
technologically literate. A new generation of Bolivarian net users is now
challenging the free run that the Opposition has had on web sites and on
Twitter.

The Bolivarians have their own television communication guerrilla stars.
Like Jorge Amorin, who wades into Opposition marches, challenges their
leaders, and interrogates the well-heeled foot soldiers till they end up
either snorting with undisguised class hate while waving their placards
proclaiming liberty or physically attacking their interlocutors. These young
TV reporters use biting humour and sarcasm to discredit the Chavez haters
though, to be fair, the latter can do the job perfectly well themselves.
This would have been unthinkable a few years ago; as ever, the Bolivarians
were thought incapable of achieving the skill levels the Opposition in
Venezuela enjoyed.

With the communication guerrillas, the message from the Bolivarian camp is
that while the Opposition will retain its assets unless it veers into
criminal regime change business, they will find their spaces being contested
by a new generation of media- savvy rojo, rojitos (the very, very Reds).
-- 
“Disobedience, in the eyes of anyone who has read history, is man's original
virtue. It is through disobedience that progress has been made, through
disobedience and through rebellion.” — Oscar Wilde, Soul of Man Under
Socialism

“The free market is perfectly natural... do you think I am some kind of
dummy?” — Jarvis Cocker
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