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Bolivia: a revolutionary rejoinder
http://enpassant.com.au/?p=7305


Some of you may have seen the article published in Green Left Weekly
criticizing Daniel Gomez’s article in Socialist Alternative on the
recent strike in Bolivia. But in case you haven’t, here are the links:

http://sa.org.au/international/2721-general-strike-challenges-bolivian-government

http://www.greenleft.org.au/node/44208

Here is Daniel’s response to the GL article.

John



There are some points to draw out about their article.

Firstly, they disagree with my article by claiming that the strike was
small. This is wrong. The strike included urban teachers, health
workers, miners and manufacturing workers. The health workers returned
to work after a few days, but the rest stayed out. The adherence to
the strike was clearly strong amongst teachers, thousands of whom
marched. This shut down schools in Bolivia. The teachers’ strike
continued the longest, and was the most radical in its demands. On the
18th of May, a mass teacher’s rally shut down the center of La Paz.
The teachers were the last to go back to work, on the 24th of May.

As regards the miners and manufacturing workers, thousands marched
across the country, and many more struck. While it is difficult to say
how many struck precisely, or what proportion of miners struck, one
indication was the government’s reaction. After a few days of claiming
that the strike was a flop, the government changed tack and started
accusing the strikers of sabotaging Bolivia’s progress. After a week,
Morales started accusing the strikers of being stooges of the
Americans. He then accused the strikers of attempting to overthrow his
government. He also claimed that teachers were undemocratic for
striking and shutting down classrooms. All the while, the government
was in ongoing negotiations with the COB (the striking union
federation).

While the government did not acquiesce to the main demand of a 12% (as
opposed to 5%) pay rise, these negotiations granted significant
concessions around the age of retirement. Hardly the responses of a
government to an irrelevant strike. Moreover, it is clear there was
anger amongst at least some workers that the COB accepted this deal:
the urban teacher’s union called the leaders of the COB traitors.

So, the GL is clearly wrong to say the strike was: “a lot of huffing
and puffing by a few union leaders, and symbolic protests, mixed with
a good dose of internal union politicking”.

But this all misses the point: the size of a strike is irrelevant to
whether or not socialists should support it. It is a clear cut class
issue; socialists need to stand with workers against governments and
bosses at all times, not just when strikes are big.

This relates to the second main problem with the GL article – it
systematically downplays the Bolivian working class in favor of
indigenous people. This is doubly wrong because it substitutes a
nationalist/ethnic analysis for a class one.

Many indigenous Bolivians are working class, while others are small
farmers or peasants. The former are capable of leading social
revolution; the latter, are not. Of course, this distinction is hardly
likely to bother the DSP – they love peasants to bits because they fit
right into a Stalinist or 3rd world nationalist political project.

The GL article quite clearly supports the indigenous peasants movement
that constitutes the mass base of Morales’ Movimiento al Socialismo
(MAS) party over the workers’ movement. It was this part of the
population that supported Morales in 2006 against the militant miners
and teachers who wanted to continue the revolution.

Really, it’s all a bit familiar - it’s basically about 3rd world
nationalists who couldn’t care less about basic Marxist politics, and
love to apologize for governments who act against workers.

--
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