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NY Times May 28, 2010
Strike in China Highlights Gap in Workers’ Pay
By KEITH BRADSHER and DAVID BARBOZA

FOSHAN, China — After years of being pushed to work 12-hour days, six 
days a week on monotonous low-wage assembly line tasks, China’s workers 
are starting to push back.

A strike at an enormous Honda transmission factory here in southeastern 
China has suddenly and unexpectedly turned into a symbol of this 
nation’s struggle with income inequality, rising inflation and soaring 
property prices that have put home ownership beyond the reach of all but 
the most affluent.

And perhaps most remarkably, Chinese authorities let the strike happen — 
up to a point.

In the kind of scene that more often plays out at strikes in America 
than at labor actions in China, print and television reporters from 
state-controlled media across the country have started covering the 
walkout here, even waiting outside the nearly deserted front gate on 
Thursday and Friday in hope of any news. All the Chinese reporters 
disappeared on Saturday morning, however, as the government, apparently 
nervous, suddenly imposed without explanation a blanket ban on domestic 
media coverage of the strike.

A worker at a factory dormitory said on Saturday afternoon that the 
strike continued, and police were nowhere in sight at the factory or the 
dormitory. The authorities have been leery of letting the media report 
on labor disputes, fearing that it could encourage workers elsewhere to 
rebel. The new permissiveness, however temporary, coincides with growing 
sentiment among some officials and economists that Chinese workers 
deserve higher wages for their role in the country’s global export machine.

And without higher incomes, hundreds of millions of Chinese will be 
unable to play their part in the domestic consumer spending boom on 
which this nation hopes to base its next round of economic growth.

“This is all because there is a major political debate going on about 
how to deal with the nation’s growing income gap, and the need to do 
something about wages,” said Andreas Lauffs, a lawyer at Baker & 
McKenzie who specializes in Chinese labor issues.

If wages do rise, that could bring higher prices for Western consumers 
for goods as diverse as toys at Wal-Mart and iPads from Apple.

The Chinese media may also have found it a little easier, politically, 
to cover this strike because Honda is a Japanese company, and 
anti-Japanese sentiment still simmers in China as a legacy of World War 
II. Certainly, the strike is hitting Honda hard, as the resulting 
shortage of transmissions and other engine parts has forced the company 
to halt production at all four of its assembly plants in China.

Honda has an annual capacity of 650,000 cars and minivans in China, like 
Jazz subcompacts for export to Europe and Accord sedans for the Chinese 
market. Because Honda’s prices in China are similar to what it charges 
in the United States, the cars tend to be far out of reach financially 
for most of the workers who make them.

A Honda spokeswoman declined to discuss specific issues in the strike 
negotiations.

The intense media coverage may evoke historical memories of the 1980 
shipyard strike in Gdansk, Poland, that gave rise to the Solidarity 
movement and paved the way for the fall of Communism in Eastern Europe. 
But the reality here is much different.

Instead of tens of thousands of grizzled and angry shipyard workers, the 
Honda strike involves about 1,900 mostly cheerful young people. And the 
employees interviewed say their goal is more money, not a larger 
political agenda.

“If they give us 800 renminbi a month, we’ll go back to work right 
away,” said one young man, describing a pay increase that would add 
about $117 a month to an average pay that is now around $150 monthly. He 
said he had read on the Internet of considerably higher wages at other 
factories in China and expected Honda to match them with an immediate 
pay increase.

Many workers at other factories in southeastern China already earn $300 
a month, but they do so only through considerable overtime. And even 
that higher income is not enough to embark on the middle-class dream in 
China of owning a small apartment and subcompact car. Officially, 
though, the government is discouraging heavy reliance on overtime, and 
workers here said that Honda was not assigning much.

The strikers said that Honda mainly hired recent graduates of high 
schools or vocational schools. And so, most are in their late teens or 
early 20s, representing a new generation of employees, many of whom had 
not been born when the Chinese authorities suppressed protests by 
students and workers in Tiananmen Square in 1989 — a watershed event 
whose 21st anniversary falls next Friday.

The profile of striking workers seems to run more along the lines of 
slightly bookish would-be engineers — perhaps without the grades or 
money to attend college — rather than political activists. Besides their 
low wages, the workers seem focused on issues like the factory’s 
air-conditioning not being cool enough, and the unfairness of having to 
rise from their dormitories as early as 5:30 for a 7 a.m. shift.

Workers said that in addition to their pay, they also received free 
lodging in rooms that slept four to six in bunk beds. They also get free 
lunches, subsidized breakfasts for the equivalent of 30 cents and 
dinners for about $1.50.

The striking employees said that some senior workers, known as team 
leaders, had allied themselves with management. But they insisted that 
the rank-and-file workers were solidly in favor of walkout — a claim 
impossible to verify.

Although China is run by the Communist Party and has state-controlled 
unions, the unions are largely charged with overseeing workers, not 
bargaining for higher wages or pressing for improved labor conditions. 
And they are not allowed to strike, although China’s laws do not have 
explicit prohibitions against doing so.

Workers at the Honda factory dormitory said that the official union at 
the factory was not representing them but was serving as an intermediary 
between them and management. Li Jianming, the national spokesman for the 
All China Federation of Trade Unions, declined to comment.

The workers here have been on strike since May 21, with no resolution in 
sight. But the strike did not come to broader notice until Thursday and 
Friday as Japanese media began reporting the shutdown of Honda assembly 
plants, and as Chinese media and Internet sites were allowed to report 
extensively on those activities.

The unusually permissive approach of the authorities toward media 
coverage of the strike follows a decision to tolerate extensive coverage 
this month of suicides by workers at the Taiwanese-owned Foxconn factory 
complex in nearby Shenzhen that supplies Apple and Hewlett-Packard.

The official China Daily newspaper ran a lead editorial on Friday that 
cited the Honda strike as evidence that government inaction on wages 
might be fueling tensions between workers and employers. The editorial 
criticized the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security for not 
moving faster to draft a promised amendment to current wage regulations 
because of what the newspaper described as opposition from employers.

Zheng Qiao, the associate director of the department of employment 
relations at the China Institute of Industrial Relations in Beijing, 
said the strike was a significant development in China’s labor relations 
history and that “such a large-scale, organized strike will force 
China’s labor union system to change, to adapt to the market economy.”

Keith Bradsher reported from Foshan, China, and David Barboza from 
Shanghai. Bao Beibei contributed research.

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