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[1847 speech by Charles Sumner opposing the Mexican War courtesy of the
Spartacist League]

A war of conquest is bad; but the present war has darker shadows. It is a
war for the extension of slavery over a territory which has already been
purged by Mexican authority from this stain and curse. Fresh markets of
human beings are to be established; further opportunities for this hateful
traffic are to be opened; the lash of the overseer is to be quickened in new
regions; and the wretched slave is to be hurried to unaccustomed fields of
toil. It can hardly be believed that now, more than eighteen hundred years
since the dawn of the Christian era, a government, professing the law of
charity and justice, should be employed in war to extend an institution
which exists in defiance of these sacred principles.

It has already been shown that the annexation of Texas was consummated for
this purpose. The Mexican War is a continuance, a prolongation, of the same
efforts; and the success which crowned the first emboldens the partisans of
the latter, who now, as before, profess to extend the area of freedom, while
they are establishing a new sphere for slavery.

The authorities already adduced in regard to the objects of annexation
illustrate the real objects of the Mexican War. Declarations have also been
made, upon the floor of Congress, which throw light upon it. Mr. Sims, of
South Carolina, has said that "he had no doubt that every foot of territory
we shall permanently occupy, south of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes,
will be slave territory"; and, in reply to his colleague, Mr. Burt, who
inquired whether this opinion was "in consequence of the known determination
of the Southern people that their institutions shall be carried into that
country, if acquired," said, in words that furnish a key to the whole
project, "It is founded on the known determination of the Southern people
that their institutions shall be carried there; it is founded in the laws of
God, written on the climate and soil of the country: nothing but slave labor
can cultivate, profitably, that region of country."

But it is not merely proposed to open new markets for slavery: it is also
designed to confirm and fortify the "Slave Power." Here is a distinction
which should not fail to be borne in mind. Slavery is odious as an
institution, if viewed in the light of morals and Christianity. On this
account alone we should refrain from rendering it any voluntary support. But
it has been made the basis of a political combination, to which has not
inaptly been applied the designation of the "Slave Power."

The slaveholders of the country - who are not supposed to exceed 200,000 or
at most 300,000 in numbers - by the spirit of union which animates them, by
the strong sense of a common interest, and by the audacity of their leaders,
have erected themselves into a new "estate," as it were, under the
Constitution. Disregarding the sentiments of many of the great framers of
that instrument, who notoriously considered slavery as temporary, they
proclaim it a permanent institution; and, with a strange inconsistency, at
once press its title to a paramount influence in the general government,
while they deny the right of that government to interfere, in any way, with
its existence. According to them, it may never be restrained or abolished by
the general government, though it may be indefinitely extended.
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