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August 7, 2010
Lee Lockwood Dies at 78; Captured Life Under Communism
By MARGALIT FOX

Lee Lockwood, an American photojournalist who had rare opportunities to 
capture political, military and civilian life in Communist countries — 
documenting the treatment of an American prisoner of war in North 
Vietnam and persuading Fidel Castro to sit for a long, discursive, 
smoke-filled and highly personal interview — died on July 31 in Tamarac, 
Fla. He was 78 and lived in Weston, Fla.

The cause was complications of diabetes, his sister, Susan Lewinnek, said.

As his work through the decades made clear, Mr. Lockwood regarded 
photojournalism as a potent instrument for social change. A freelance 
photographer, he was associated for many years with the Black Star 
agency, which furnished his images to newspapers and magazines around 
the globe.

He also wrote several books, including “Castro’s Cuba, Cuba’s Fidel: An 
American Journalist’s Inside Look at Today’s Cuba in Text and Picture” 
(Macmillan, 1967).

In 1967, at the height of the Vietnam War, Mr. Lockwood was the first 
outside photographer in more than a decade to be allowed into North 
Vietnam. (Not long before, while in Havana to research his Castro book, 
he had prudently obtained a North Vietnamese visa there.)

The fruit of Mr. Lockwood’s 28-day visit, a long, heavily illustrated 
essay titled “North Vietnam Under Siege,” was published as the cover 
article of the April 7, 1967, edition of Life magazine.

Though Mr. Lockwood’s trip to North Vietnam was carefully controlled — 
he was forbidden to photograph military installations and had a 
government official with him at all times — he managed to traverse 1,000 
miles in the month he spent there.

In words and photos, Mr. Lockwood portrayed the life of a country then 
under heavy bombardment by United States forces: bare, ruined villages; 
deserted factories; a boy with a missing leg, lost to a bomb. There were 
also calmer, quieter images of farmers, flower sellers and hemp dyers 
plying their trades.

His most striking encounter, in Hanoi, was with Lt. Cmdr. Richard A. 
Stratton, an American Navy pilot who had been captured in January 1967. 
As Mr. Lockwood and other foreign newsmen listened, a man identifying 
himself as Commander Stratton read over a loudspeaker a long 
“confession” attacking United States involvement in the region.

Then, from behind a curtain, Commander Stratton appeared, looking, Mr. 
Lockwood wrote, “like a puppet.”

“His eyes were empty,” Mr. Lockwood wrote. “He stood stiffly at 
attention while movie lights were turned on and photographers took 
pictures. His expression never changed.”

Accompanying Mr. Lockwood’s account was his photograph of Commander 
Stratton, clad in prison pajamas, making a deep, supplicating bow on 
orders from a North Vietnamese officer. The image, which occupied a full 
page of the Life article, was widely reproduced.

Partly in response to Mr. Lockwood’s article, the State Department 
accused North Vietnam of brainwashing American prisoners to elicit 
antiwar statements from them.

In an interview with The New York Times in 2008, Commander Stratton, who 
had been released in 1973, suggested that such statements were less the 
product of brainwashing than of common sense.

“You are being tortured and all you have to do to get them to stop is 
say the same thing that Bobby Kennedy is saying,” Commander Stratton said.

Lee Jonathan Lockwood was born in New York City on May 4, 1932, and took 
up photography as a boy. He earned a bachelor’s degree in comparative 
literature from Boston University in 1954 and later did graduate work in 
the field at Columbia. In the mid-1950s, he served with the Army, 
stationed in Munich.

Besides his sister, Ms. Lewinnek, Mr. Lockwood is survived by his wife, 
the former Joyce Greenfield, whom he married in 1964; a brother, Roger; 
two children, Andrew Lockwood and Gillian Rubin; and six grandchildren.

His other books include “Conversation With Eldridge Cleaver: Algiers” 
(McGraw-Hill, 1970) and “Daniel Berrigan: Absurd Convictions, Modest 
Hopes — Conversations After Prison With Lee Lockwood” (Random House, 1972).

Mr. Lockwood’s best-known book was the one born of his marathon 
interview with Mr. Castro, which unspooled over a full week in Cuba in 
1965. The discourse ranged over Marxism, the Cuban missile crisis, 
American race relations, sex, prostitution and much else.

It was vital, Mr. Lockwood believed, that American readers be given a 
full portrait of a man known here as a cipher at best, a demon at worst.

“We don’t like Castro, so we close our eyes and hold our ears,” he wrote 
in the book’s introduction. “Yet if he is really our enemy, as dangerous 
to us as we are told he is, then we ought to know as much about him as 
possible.”

----

August 7, 2010
Fritz Teufel, a German Protester in the ’60s, Dies at 67
By WILLIAM GRIMES

“The monthlong trial here of Fritz Teufel, a 24-year-old German student, 
on a felony charge of ‘grave sedition’ may become only a footnote when 
the histories of contemporary Europe are written,” a correspondent of 
The New York Times wrote in 1967 from West Berlin. “Yet the widely 
publicized case has become a symbol for the ‘seditious’ fringe among 
modern European youth, and beyond that, of the stirrings of an entire 
restive generation.”

Mr. Teufel, who was eventually acquitted of the charges that he had led 
a riotous demonstration against the visiting shah of Iran and threw a 
rock at a policeman, died July 6 in Berlin. He was 67 and had been ill 
with Parkinson’s disease.

The ferment of the 1960s brought Mr. Teufel, a skinny, red-bearded 
figure with wire-rimmed glasses, bobbing to the surface of tumultuous 
events. Though he later fell in with a violent revolutionary group and 
was arrested and imprisoned, he started out as a prankster or, to use 
his term, a “fun guerrilla,” whose provocations — he once planned to 
ambush Hubert H. Humphrey with cake-mix “bombs” — made him West 
Germany’s answer to Abbie Hoffman.

To leaven the moral intensity of his fellow leftists, he offered a 
theatrical vision of politics. The visit of the shah, he told reporters, 
was “low comedy,” in which “the public is justified in throwing eggs and 
tomatoes if the performance does not satisfy them.”

Mr. Teufel was born June 17, 1943, in the town of Ingelheim, the 
youngest of six children, and grew up in Ludwigsburg. In 1963 he moved 
to Berlin to attend the Free University of Berlin, where he studied 
German literature, journalism and theater.

Mr. Teufel became a founder of Kommune 1, a notorious squat on 
Stuttgarter Platz often referred to as the Horror Commune. Its members, 
influenced equally by Maoism and psychoanalysis, rejected such bourgeois 
norms as personal privacy — the bathrooms had no doors — and devoted 
themselves to organizing political protests and stunts.

Like many of the younger German generation, they were in revolt against 
their parents, whom they regarded as having been either complicit or 
supine during the Nazi years, and the West German state, which they 
regarded as sneakily repressive.

“We really felt obliged to correct the historical, political development 
of a Nazi-tainted Federal Republic,” Mr. Teufel once told an interviewer.

It was at Kommune 1 that Mr. Teufel planned the April 1967 ambush on Mr. 
Humphrey, then vice president, who was making a state visit to West 
Germany. Armed with “bombs” made of plastic bags filled with yogurt, 
flour and pudding, he and 10 comrades were arrested in what the press 
dubbed the Pudding Assassination. Mr. Teufel became a semicelebrity, 
helped in no small part by his last name, which means “devil” in German.

When his comrades, perhaps out of jealousy at his growing reputation, 
expelled him from Kommune 1, Mr. Teufel moved to Munich, where he joined 
a radical commune and drifted into the orbit of the Red Army Faction. 
Dedicated to the violent overthrow of the government, the group carried 
out assassinations, bombings and kidnappings. In the early 1970s he 
spent two years in prison on charges that he had tried to firebomb a 
courthouse in Munich.

In 1975, Mr. Teufel was arrested and charged with being a leader of the 
June 2 Movement, which had kidnapped Peter Lorenz, a local leader of the 
Christian Democratic Union. He was carrying a pistol at the time.

Mr. Teufel spent five years in prison awaiting trial, only to present a 
watertight alibi in court: when the kidnapping took place he was working 
under a false name in an Essen factory that made toilet seats. He said 
that he had kept silent to expose the arbitrary nature of West German 
justice.

Nonetheless, he was convicted of robbery, firearms offenses and 
membership in a criminal organization and sentenced to five years in 
prison, moot at that point.

By this time, Mr. Teufel had rejected radical politics, although he 
retained a taste for provocation. While taking part in a political 
discussion on television in 1982, he took out a squirt gun and sprayed 
the West German finance minister — who responded by throwing a glass of 
wine in Mr. Teufel’s face.

In 1984, Mr. Teufel moved to London and worked in a cooperative bakery 
but soon returned to West Berlin, where he wrote freelance articles for 
the alternative newspaper Die Tageszeitung and was a bicycle messenger 
until Parkinson’s disease put him on the sidelines.

In his later years, he granted interviews to curious journalists on the 
condition that they play table tennis with him for an hour.

He is survived by his partner, Helene Lollo.

“We were young, carefree and inexperienced,” Mr. Teufel told Die 
Tagesspiel in an interview he gave not long before his death. “In 1967 
and 1968, confidence and cheerfulness prevailed, and an unbelievable 
sense that a new beginning was under way.”

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