Comrades Alexander, Javad and George,

As a result of this exchange, I am beginning to see
things more clearly, and to understand the extent to
which I had not broken from revisionist positions on
this question. This is ironic, but symptomatic,
because before I was in contact with members of the
revisionist CPI, my position was clearly for the
smashing of the zionist state and its replacement by a
unified secular democratic state on the whole
territory of mandate Palestine. Ironic, because these
were positions forced on me in the first place.
Symptomatic, because as is the nature of revisionism,
correct positions are slated as petty bourgeois
leftism, while essentially counter-revolutionary
positions are dressed up in the garb of
Marxism-Leninism. And when in doubt, amd when it suits
them, they are the first to quote Stalin or Lenin
without clearly stating the historic context, in order
to "support" their revisionism.

Alex makes a good case with respect to the revisionist
Iraqi CP. They took a shamefully opportunist position
during the imperialist aggression against Iraq - the
same position, more or less, as Klo. They called for
an uprising against the Ba'athist regime while the
entire Iraqi people was under attack (they still are
under attack, of course). By then I was no longer in
touch with the former members of the CP of Iraq who
were member of the Israeli CP, so I do not know what
position they took, but I suspect they supported their
former party. In other words, at time of imperialist
war, they crossed the class line definitively.

The people I knew were persecuted at an earlier
period, and most actually prefered to leave the
country as soon as they were able, which is why I knew
them (in London). They were not explicit zionists.
They were expelled from Iraq, in the early 60s I
think, at the height of the Ba'athist repression
against the CP.

But a few individuals, whether they are subjectively
zionists or anti-zionists, is neither here nor there. 

I have been really trying to think this question
through here, and not trying to complicate matters. As
you probably know, my background is in the pro-Moscow
wing of the CP. The two biggest influences on me in
the 80s were the SACP and the Arab communists I met in
London (I include the Israeli CP dissidents within
that group, as I said, their culture and language was
Arabic, not hewbrew). In fact, one of these people
[Daoud Cohen, an Arabic scholar and former member of
the Iraqi CP and later Israeli CP] is buried opposite
or next to (memory is such an imprecise aid) Yusef
Dadoo in Highgate cemetary. They chose to leave the
zionist state as soon as they could, actually.

These people supported the intifada, and were close to
the PCP, very close in fact. But the question here is:
what was the nature of their support?

>From the 60s onwards the South African CP supported
armed struggle, whereas the revisionist Israeli CP
never has, and the revisionist PCP only supported
armed struggle outside of Palestine (in Lebanon etc).
This is a big difference, of course. So they supported
the intifada, but on condition that the struggle
stopped short of armed struggle. Protests, a few
stones, but no real material challenge to the Israeli
state. No protracted peoples war.

It is legitimate to ask: is it possible for there to
be an anti-zionist position from within the Israeli
state and from within the jewish people living there?
I think the answer is yes, but only in the same way as
it was in South Africa. A minority can break from the
majority colonialist perspective and side with the
oppressed nation in its struggle for national
liberation and smashing of the colonial settler state.
But to do that they would have to identify themselves
above all as Palestinians. The idea that they could do
so as Israelis is a pipedream. Your arguments have
helped me to see this.

To pose my former central question again: not just
should the zionist fascist state be smashed, but how? 

To go back to South Africa, the CP there adopted the
correct stance in my view only in 1928 and
subsequently when it saw national liberation of the
African majority as the key to the road to socialism.
More than that, a specific South African nation
identity, cutting across ethnic divisions, was created
precisely through the struggle against the settler
state. 

If such a position were adopted in the case of
Palestine, what would it mean concretely? 

Thinking it through, the fact is that the zionists
have occupied the whole of mandate Palestine (plus a
bit of Syria and whole chunks of Lebanon at different
times) since 67. In reality, the borders of the
zionist fascist state were the same bascially as
mandate Palestine. The fact that they themselves made
a distinction between the West bank and Gaza and the
rest (though they call these areas by hebrew biblical
names)doesn't really alter the question. 

Looked at that way, there should never have been two
CPs, but only a Palestinian CP. The CPSU may well have
made an unwarranted concession to zionism in
supporting the creation of a separate Israeli CP in
48, and in advocating the absorption of Arab members
of the old PCP who were in the diaspora into the
Jordanian, Lebanese and Egyptian CPs. If this is
correct, then the error was probably the same as the
one which led to support for partition in the first
place. In fact, the defacto decision to dissolve the
Palestinian cp amounts to acceptance of the zionist
creed that there are no palestinians, only Arabs.

If so, if there were any genuine communists of jewish
origin in Palestine in 48, their role should have been
to build for a Palestinian national liberation
movement and the creation of a democratic Palestine as
the first step towards a socialist Palestine. The
communists of Palestine should have fought to be the
leading force within this movement, and for the
movement as a whole to accept the leading role of the
proletariat in the national democratic revolution, in
the way the ANC accepted the role of the working class
at the Morogoro conference (in 69?).

The Israeli CP NEVER had this position. To have
adopted such a position would have led to its being
outlawed. It is a shameful fact that the CPI has
remained legal throughout the period from 1948 and
does so now. 

My error was fundamental here: I accepted, despite my
scepticism, the lie that the Israelis constituted a
nation. They do not and cannot. The creation of the
Israeli state has created another case of colonialism
of a special type where the oppressors and the
oppressed nation occupy the same territory.

Whether I as an individual evolve towards genuine
Marxist-Leninist positions is not important in the big
scheme of things. The existance of the
Marxist-Leninist list is for the reaffirmation of
Marxism-Leninism, not for the re-education of Jim
Hillier. However, on a personal note, I am very
grateful to the comrades who have participated in this
debate for assisting me in developing a
self-criticism.

For a democratic secular state of Palestine!
Death to zionist-fascism! 
Death to Israel!
Death to imperialism!
Forward to communism!

Jim Hillier

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