A chomraidi,

I am glad to see that the list has at least enjoyed a lot of postings 
since I last checked it out. I am sad that they have included calls for 
expulsion and unconstructive name calling. We have a higher calling on 
this list than name-calling or credential parading. The focus must be on 
theory and action and as little personalities as possible.

I am not from the USA, I live in Ireland and am a full-time activist.

I have found the discussion between Mark and Melvin interesting and 
educational (and potentially useful to some degree).

I think that the idea of expelling anyone from this list is a bad one. 
How many people post to it regularly? How many read it? It doesn't seem 
like many more than 20? Losing Melvin would significantly reduce the 
variety of arguments presented.

To some degree I think that Melvin is presenting an argument which is 
potentially new to my (limited) conception of Marxism-Leninism. Whether 
that is deemed to be 'revisionist' or 'a positive development' is really 
up to whether you agree with it or not. I think the separation of 
economic and political revolutions might well be considered 
'revisionist' but then I also suspect that it may represent a huge 
development of marxist theory which in some sense takes us back to Marx 
as opposed to taking us away from him. It enables a return to a 
revolutionary strategy much more closely tied economic theory than is 
usual in theory since Lenin himself. It this necessarily wrong? Would 
Lenin himself criticise it simply on the basis that it stands against 
what he did himself back in the early 20th Century? I think we need to 
engage with it - if it is wrong - then it must be proven wrong on the 
basis of analysis rather than simply on the basis that it contradicts 
what was written in the past. Marxism-leninism is a great help to 
revolutionaries but it isn't an idealised monolithic conception which is 
impervious to all changes in society since the 1920s. To say that I 
believe undermines what Marxism-leninism is really about.

To say that Marxist-leninist theory can remain unchanging would be to 
betray the materialist basis of marxism substituting it for an idealised 
framework arising from materialist writings from a past epoch and very 
different social circumstances. At the same time, we have all to be 
aware that this argument has been used by everyone who wants to dump 
marxist leninist theory for social reformism. But we can't afford to sit 
still. Marx was not an idealised thinker. We have to achieve a 
revolution - do we not? That is our task. Are we serious about 
revolution or is our theory limited to exegesis of almost 'talmudic 
texts'? My Marxism-leninism is ideological but practical and serious. 
Activity and revolution are the goals. We all make errors, hence the 
need for criticism and self-criticism. That cannot be achieved through 
excluding those without serious analysis of their arguments on the basis 
*of material facts and trends*.

I consider myself a marxist. I am not an expert in USA or core 
economics. I am good at what I do - but can always improve. I can't 
determine what is the correct appreciation of the situation inside the 
USA. Afterall, such an analysis requires a close connection with a 
living mass movement there. I can't have that - I am active in very 
different circumstances.

To expel someone rather than develop an effective engagement would be to 
cut off the development of new theory (new strategy) from the eyes of 
those of us who need to see it. What happens in the USA is, I believe, 
going to be critical to the world situation. I think those of us 
involved in anti-imperialist struggle elsewhere have a right to expect 
comrades in the belly of the beast to be a little more effective in the 
future. I don't necessarily believe that the centre of revolution is in 
the post-colonial (or semi-colonial) or even those few colonial states. 
It may be but I'm not convinced that that remains the case in the epoch 
of dominant finance capitalism as opposed to corporate capitalism. The 
pressures for revolution are much more concentrated on those areas of 
the 'core' which suffer from job losses. The risk is from fascism taking 
a root. In the periphery, the trend will remain accommodation of finance 
capital investors to create growth, albeit semi-controlled in the best 
cases. That's the reality of what everyone's at in that situation. 
Maybe, a few post-colonial countries which are in the anomalous position 
of having made a transition to a post-industrial economic base may be 
able to make a transition ahead of the rest but that's only an outside 
chance. To me, the greatest potential is in the imperialist core 
countries. Where that is located is obviously in the national (colonial) 
minorities and lower working class. I think that most agree to this. 
Melvin is making an additional argument, however. This needs a real 
engagement from people who know more about marxism-leninism than I. I'm 
afraid I haven't seen that yet.

We're never going to build a mass movement if we rely on self-selecting 
a bunch of 'ideologically correct' individuals and talk together. I 
don't think that is what Lenin did. It is not possible to build a mass 
movement on the basis of 'ideological correctness'. In fact, that is 
utter sectarianism in my opinion. Such a mode of party-building could 
only come about because of a complete severance with the working class 
in the first place.

I totally concur with Calvin. The A-list is too academic to be very 
useful. The Marxism list is appallingly Trotskyist. I would love all the 
marxist leninists to come together and constructively debate issues and 
to hammer out 'programmes of action' here. Why not? The only thing to 
prevent that would be sectarianism and the lack of supportive and 
balanced moderation to prevent unproductive flare-ups.

Le meas,
DoC.


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