PART A
--------------

Unilateral entire debt suspension of payments – Greece out of Euro-EMU-European 
Union 

Against the big local capital’s current strategic choice of  KEEPING Greece 
inside EMU-Euro-EU, with the open support of the big  bourgeois parties 
(PASOK-ND-LAOS), as well as the silent support of  socialdemocratic parties 
(“K”KE-SYN) and organizations of the  Extraparliamentary Left 
(KOE-NAR-ANTARSYA-KKE m-l -ML-KKE, etc.)
Today, in 2010, the working class and the whole Greek people as well as the 
country are undoubtedly confronted with a novel negative  and extremely painful 
financial-political condition for their class  interests, as well as the 
country’s interests. A novel condition, the  existence of which has to be 
initially verified and recognized, and then analyzed.  These are necessary 
premises for the designation of the content and  correct orientation of the 
class struggle of the working class in the  current very difficult and crucial 
period.
The country’s new financial-political condition is characterized by:
1. the deep crisis and bankruptcy of economy,
2. occupation by the “troika” of Commission-ECB-IMF,
3. violent abolition of all workers’ conquests, 
4. deterioration of the relations between Greece and EU, to the country’s 
detriment.
A. Crisis and bankruptcy of the Greek economy.
1. Crisis. The  crisis that keeps on shattering the entire capitalist world, as 
well as  our country, burned out for years to come, in the hell that created  
massive unemployment of hundreds of millions of  unemployed-half-unemployed 
humans, great poverty, hunger and the  absolute immiseration of billions on the 
planet, the final illusory glow  of the widely advertised by recently faded 
myth 

of capitalist  “prosperity”, as well as the celebrated jabbers-myths of 
bourgeois and  revisionist economist about “full employment,” “elimination of  
unemployment,” and a capitalist development “undisrupted by crises.”
Regardless  of its existent singularities and main features as well as the way 
in  which it broke out, this crisis is, as all the previous ones, a cyclical  
crisis of over-production, the root and cause of which exists within  the 
fundamental contradiction of capitalism, which the other  contradictions of 
this 

exploitative system are also connected with: the “the contradiction between the 
social character of productionand the private form of its appropriation.”
It  derives from here that the periodic crises of overproduction are an  
inherent and inevitable phenomenon in the capitalist mode of production  which 
accompanies capitalist along its course of development. It is the  result of 
the 

action and function of objective economic laws despite the  contradicting 
claims 

of bourgeois economists cultivating the opposite  view on the current crisis, 
seeking its cause within “erroneous  financial policies” and limiting it to the 
“financial sector”: “bourgeois-capitalist  circles try to propagandize by every 
mean the view that this crisis is  the result of erroneous economic policies, 
in 

particular erroneous  financial and monetary policies, which have led to 
increasing  speculation and the “bubbles” in the financial sector. With such  
positions and propaganda they seek to hide the fact that capitalist  economic 
crises are inevitable stages in the course of capitalist  development, that 
they 

are the inevitable result of the capitalist mode  of production developing in 
an 

uneven way, because it is led by profit  and the market.”
In contrast to the bourgeois, for revolutionary Marxists, according to Marx, 
“the general conditions of crises … must be explained through the general 
conditions of capitalist production.”
The  current world economic crisis, as all cyclical crises of  over-production 
emerging from the essence, i.e. the inherent  contradictions of the capitalist 
mode of production, “are  never more than momentary, violent solutions for the 
existing  contradictions, violent eruptions that re-establish the disturbed  
balance for the time being.”
The current crisis could not  but also affect the local capitalist economy, 
despite the contradicting  idiotic assurances of the reactionary Karamanlis 
governments and its  indescribable and benighted economic headquarters that the 
country’s  banks and economy are “armoured” against the crisis (and a few days  
later “endowed” the supposedly “armoured” banks with 28 b. Euros).  Indeed, 
gross flubs of this kind were being uttered at the moment when  it was known 
that the crisis had become manifest in our country before  the outbreak of the 
world capitalist crisis – it became manifest  unevenly in various country in 
terms of time and intensity, as well as  sectors – affecting initially the 
construction sectors, and all its  related branches.
The crisis has affected Greek economy more  than those of the other 
member-states of the imperialist EU, as shown in  figures (while maintaining 
relevant reservations) by Eurostat for 2009:  investments declined by 13,4% in 
contrast to 2008, households’  consumption decreased by 1.8%, exports by 18.1% 
and imports by 14.1. The  2% decline of GDP shown by Eurostat is in reality 
much 

larger, while  actual unemployment surpassed 15%.
Predictions for 2010 are much  more unfavourable, since it is estimated the GDP 
decline will be at  about 4%, while it is expected to have reached 7.5% by 
2012, 

whereas  unemployed will have reached 20%. Already in the second quarter of 
2010,  a 3.5% GDP shrinking was recorded. Construction activity fell by 22.4%,  
industrial production dropped 4.5%, while inflation 5.5% (in reality it  
fluctuates between 6 and 7%), and large waves of high prices are an  everyday 
phenomenon. As for the army of hundreds of thousands of the  unemployed, some 
more will be added, which, according to the GSEE’s  estimations will have 
reached, and may have even surpassed, 1.200.000 by  the end of the year.
2. Bankruptcy. Yet, besides the  multiple problems caused by the profound 
economic crisis, which is  expected to further intensify, the country’s economy 
was led in 2009 to open bankruptcy,  which was already visible to the naked eye 
from the beginning of 2007 –  despite the distorted statistical figures coming 
to light –, as a  result of the application of extreme neoliberal policies by 
Karamanlis’  government and of dependence by the EU.
The government of the monarcho-fascist party of ND, with K. Karamanlis as 
prime-minister, is first and fore mostly responsible for the country’s 
financial 

bankruptcy,  by doubling the external debt (more than 300 billion Euros) and  
multiplying the deficit by five (more than 30 billion Euros), leading to  the 
country’s triple supervision-occupation by Commission-ECB-IMF. However, the 
then-opposition parties, the big-bourgeois PASOK and the social democratic 
“K”KE 

and SYN (the  nazi-fascist LAOS had identified with the politics of ND), 
aretremendously responsible as well, for not revealing-denouncing this 
destructive financial course to the Greek people – a course, which  at least 
for 

the final two years of ND’s governance was completely  manifest and, as already 
mentioned, visible to the naked eye.
The very fact of the country’s financial bankruptcy (the typical statement 
“Regretfully, we arebankrupt”  is not necessary) is questioned by all bourgeois 
and reformist forces,  and even from those of the Extraparliamentary Left.
In  contrast to the fabrications of the government and bourgeois politicians  
that “the country has not gone bankrupt,” along with those of ND and  the 
Khruschevite socialdemocratic parties of “K”KE and SYN, who are also  disputing 
the existence of bankruptcy,1 the bankruptcy is a concrete and painful fact for 
the working class, as well as the people and the country in general.
An  analysis of the relevant economic data can certainly reach the  conclusion 
that the figures composing-indicating in an indisputable way  the bankruptcy of 
Greek economy are: 1. an overwhelming  external debt of more than 300 billion 
Euros, or about 120% of GDP (in a  country with a minimal to inexistent 
industrial production, while even  the “production” of waiters decreased with 
the drop of tourism since  last year), 2. a huge deficit of more than 30 
billion 

Euros or 14,5% of GDP, 3. a usurious 7-10% interest rate with a spread of 
500-700 bps (an interest rate that only bankrupt countries are borrowing with), 
4. inability of “managing”-serving the external debt, 5. the triple severe 
supervision by the Commission-ECB-IMF and designation of financial politicy not 
by the elected government but by the delegations of the imperialist 
Organizations, 6. recourse  to the so-called EU-IMF “support mechanism” (i.e. 
enslavement) for a  further loan, again with a usurious interest rate of 5%.
3. Occupation of the country by the “troika”: Commission-ECB-IMF. The  extreme 
neoliberal financial policy of Karamanlis government, the  unprecedented 
looting 

of public wealth, the successive great scandals,  etc., etc., that led the 
country’s economy to bankruptcy, with  the doubling of external debt and the 
deficit’s surge to 14,5% of GDP,  rendered Greece a weak link of imperialist EU 
and the target of severe  attacks of international speculative and usurious 
capital – in  combination with the intense antagonism between Dollar and Euro 
–  
leading to an inability of borrowing and the surge of spreads to  overwhelming 
heights. Eventually, the newly-elected Papandreou  government, also continuing 
the destructive neoliberal financial policy,  is turning to the notorious and 
newly-created “support mechanism” of EU and IMF, with first and fore mostly the 
imperialist EU, as well as the government of PASOK, being responsible.
During  this year, the crisis and the bankruptcy of Greek economy also brought  
to the surface the profound crisis within the domain of imperialist EU,  and 
furthermore, highlighted acutely the relations of servitude, dependence and 
exploitation of the smaller weak capitalist countries, such as Greece, by the 
large  imperialist countries, first being France-Germany, which not only  
imposed to Greece a usurious interest rate of 5%, but pressed-are  pressing 
Greece to buy military equipment manufactured in those  countries.
All these developments led to an unprecedented, in terms of severity, and 
long-lasting supervision of  Greek economy by the imperialist Organizations and 
the placement of  permanent representatives of theirs at Athens, creating a 
completely new  situation: a new occupation of the country, without troops.
It  is certainly a fact that Greece’s incorporation to the imperialist  EEC-EU 
and its entrance to the EMU had as a consequence the drastic  limitation of its 
governments’ role (having an essentially decorative  role), as well as of all 
small, weak and dependent EU member-states, in  the outlining of financial 
politics, since this is determined in its  basic directions by the powerful EU 
monopolies, and are only validated ex post facto by their local 
puppet-parliaments, thus deepening evern further and reinforcing imperialist 
dependence. The  notorious “Stability and Growth Pact” of the Maastricht 
Treaty  
essentially meant an almost absolute loss of national sovereignty for  the 
dependent member-states of the imperialist EU, such as Greece,  despite the 
much-publicized illusory “equal” co-operation-alliance of  nationally sovereign 
states within the EU domain.
Yet, there is no doubt that the current situation is different, much worse than 
the previous one, and completely new,  since all aspects of Greek economy are 
decided and determined directly  and absolutely by the branches of the 
imperialist Organizations Commission-ECB-IMF. The  recognition and realization 
of this situation requires the  intensification of the class struggle of the 
working class and all broad  popular masses against imperialist dependence in 
general, and the  country’s dependence by the imperialist European Union in 
particular.
But this new occupation –  which is obviously accepted and supported by the 
servile government of  PASOK – is disputed by the social democrats of “K”KE by 
considering it  inexistent, beautifying in this way not only imperialist 
dependence but also its particular further deepening and strengthening. A 
“talented” social democrat from “K”KE even reached the point of claiming that 
because NAR-ANTARSYA2 correctly recognize that the country “under IMF’S 
occupation,” this means that they are “absolving the government and giving 
shelter to them.”3Only Khruschevite social democrats are capable of blabbing 
such incredible flubs.
The appointed members of the Commission-ECB-IMF troika  – these unscrupulous 
and 

stiffening representatives of European and  international capital – are working 
out the implementation of the most  extreme neoliberal measures of cutting down 
wages and pensions,  increasing mass unemployment, poverty and immiseration of 
broad popular  masses, measures of annihilating privatizations as well as 
plundering of  the country’s resources and of turning them over to – mainly – 
foreign  capital, as well as its “poor relative,” the local capital, with  
catastrophic consequences for the workers as well as the country.
4. Violent abolition of all workers’ gains at all levels.  The representatives 
of the “troika’s” imperialist Organizations and the  servile government of 
PASOK 

mounted an attack unprecedented in  vehemence and intensity – the larger since 
the years of “the political  changeover” – against the class interests of the 
working class and all  working people, embracing all levels – an attack in 
favour of European and international, as well as big local capital.
All  the gains of the workers were demolished and annihilated violently  
overnight, the peak being 8 July when even the last remnants of the  working 
class’s rights were abolished. The disgraceful “Memorandum” – a  “Loan 
Agreement 

between Greek Government-European Union-International  Monetary Fund” of 
colonial nature – besides being a monument of  servitude, it moreover marks the 
“graveyard” of workers’ gains. Among  others, already “lying” in this 
“graveyard” are the 13th and 14th pension, as well workers’ 13th and 14th 
salary, while a pension with a 65-year age-limit and 40-year  employment-limit 
and a way of estimating it that is leading to a 40%  decrease was enacted.
The tremendous cut back on wages and  pensions, the continuous increase of mass 
unemployment, the high level  of inflation (over 5,5%) and the unprecedented 
waves of high prices,  great tax increases especially in goods of mass 
consumption, cut backs  on social expenses, etc. aggravated the condition of 
the 

working class  and broad popular masses dramatically, deepening the process of 
their  absolute immiseration to the extreme and confirming afresh Marx’s theory 
of absolute immiseration,  which was repeatedly declared “dead” and “outdated” 
by the bourgeois  and traditional social democrats as well by the social 
democrats of  Khruschevite “K”KE (in 1976, S. Zorbalas, GC of “K”KE’s 
“Marxist”  
Research Center claimed that the absolute immiseration of the  proletariat did 
not exist in advanced capitalist countries and the USA: “without  excluding 
absolute immiseration, specifically in some branches and  certain popular 
layers, such as USA’s Negroes and minorities, the  proletariat’s relative 
immiseration is the dominant tendency in these  countries.”)4
The working class, despite the relatively massive strikes and marches, the 
central motto of which was “capitalist must pay for the crisis and bankruptcy,” 
was  not able to hold off the attacks of international and local capital. It  
could not have cancelled the promotion and implementation of extreme  
anti-worker/anti-popular measures, because these strikes, with the  
responsibility of reformist workers’ patrons of  GSEE-ADEDY-PASKE-PAME-AP:5 1) 
did not succeed in even having the necessary massiveness, which is absolutely 
necessary for aborting the measures, 2) were split, and 3) their  major 
characteristic was an absolute lack of unity. Another  contributing important 
factor was the lack of prompt organizing, as well  as many more and successive 
strike mobilizations. All these factors  prevented the exercise of larger 
pressure to the government of PASOK and  their bosses Commission-ECB-IMF.
Certainly, the workers’  patrons GSEE-ADEDY-PASKE-PAME-AP are first, fore 
mostly 

and absolutely  to blame for this consequence, for they are serving the 
interests of  capital with the reformist line of class collaboration (the 
activity of the fascists of DAKE (ND)6 is not necessary to mention, since they 
are nevertheless defending  capital openly), for neither wanting not attempting 
to achieve the  MASSIVENESS of strike mobilizations against 
anti-popular/anti-worker  measures. It is obvious that without MASSIVE strike 
mobilizations, it is  impossible to hold off capital’s attacks. Without MASSIVE 
strike  mobilization, through the perpetuation of misery, the “return” of  
workers into trade unions and the creation of grass-roots trade unions  in 
firms 

are impossible. Only MASSIVENESS can exercise a significant  pressure to any 
given governments for the abortion of whichever  anti-popular measures.
But the UNITY of strike rallies is a  presupposition of MASSIVENESS. 
MASSIVENESS 

cannot be achieved without  UNITY, an issue directly connected to the 
strikebreaking role of the reformist leaders PAME (the trade-union controlled 
by 

the “Communist” Party of Greece-“K”KE).
The strikebreakers-reformist leaders of PAME ― through the permanent 
fragmentation of strike rallies with their separate gatherings ― helped in the 
past the government of the monarchofascist  party of Nea Dimokratia, with C. 
Karamanlis as prime minister, to  promote and implement all the 
anti-popular/anti-worker measures; today,  by continuing the same disruptive 
tactic in strike rallies, they  are in the service of the government of the big 
bourgeois PASOK, and  they are helping-enabling it to pass the present 
annihilating measures. For it is not possible for the reformist leaders of PAME 
to not understand that with their strikebreaking tactic they break immediately 
the UNITY of strike rallies, obstruct  their MASSIVENESS and, thus, render the 
strike rallies INEFFICIENT  before hand.
Here, it is worth reminding that, when the working  class managed 10 years ago 
to hold off the the-then capital attack,  forcing Simitis’s government to 
withdraw the Insurance Bill of  Giannitsis, this became possible because the 
strike mobilizations of  that time had been characterized by a UNITY that 
secured that  unprecedented MASSIVENESS – not only in Athens and Thessaloniki, 
but  throughout Greece – with the enormous militant participation of workers  
in 

strikes and demonstrations.

 The Political Committee of the "Movement for the Reorganisation of the 
Communist Party of Greece 1918-55"
PO Box 3689, 102 10 Athens
Greece
Tel: +30 2108621543
Site:http://anasintaxi.awardspace.com
Blog (English):http://anasintaxi-en.blogspot.com
Blog (Greek):http://anasintaxi.blogspot.com



      

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