Politicization: “The process through which certain issues become objects of 
 public contention and debate and are thereby legitimized as concerns of 
the  state or political realm.” 
(Oxford University Press, Dictionary of Social  Sciences.) 
 
The fight over health care reform is not over. With the Democrats  
proclaiming a historic victory and the Republicans crying socialism, most of us 
 are 
aware it is neither. Obama’s presidential victory consolidated a renewed  
impulse for comprehensive health care in this country, reflecting a new level 
of  political involvement for Americans of all political colors. This fight 
on the  battlefield of nationalization highlights the question –Will 
government act in  the interests of the public, of society as a whole, or of 
corporate America? 
 

Politics is an expression of economics 
 
The American people need health care, but corporate America needs health  
care insurance reform. In an age when global speculative capital drives the  
economy, health care is one sixth of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in the 
 U.S., but the current system no longer guarantees corporate profitability. 
 
Health care, therefore, is part of the ruling class’s strategy to  
re-organize the economy. Both major parties recognize the need to rationalize  
and 
restructure the delivery of health care. They have differences about how to  
do it, but they agree that it must be done. Mandating individual purchases 
of  private health insurance will bolster profitability for private insurance 
while  supporting governmental deficit reduction as part of an overall 
package of  reforms in health care. This package includes restructuring 
Medicare 
as well as  proposals for nationwide electronic records (health information 
technology or  “HIT”) to help track profitability. The fight for a public 
option, by increasing  competition, was meant to address the total lack of 
cost control in mandatory  private insurance. The struggle over the exact 
forms will continue. The  government has moved from the current dysfunctional 
employer-based system in the  exactly wrong direction. Instead of 
guaranteeing individual and family security  and health, they have left 
Americans to 
face the results of the economic crisis  on their own. The reality is that 
given the economic laws of capitalism, they  could do nothing else. 
 
Politicizing requires that revolutionaries do more than analyze what’s  
wrong with a bill or the politics of getting a bill through Congress.  
Revolutionaries have to understand the needs of our class enemies –not to  
compromise with corporate needs for reform, nor to criticize from outside the  
battle, but to focus leaders in our class on what they can do to fight in their 
 
own interests from within the process. What can we do to accomplish growth in 
 the political consciousness and organization of our class? We can’t just 
fight  apolitically for policies we want any more than Obama or the Congress 
can. We  have to begin to fight based on the truth that politics is a 
concentrated  expression of economics. 
 
Health care Crisis in Rustbelt 
 
For almost a century, health care in the U.S. was part of the social  
contract between industrial capital and labor. The destruction of this contract 
 
is exemplified by autoworkers in the rustbelt who have historically been at 
its  center. 
 
In 1950 the United Autoworkers (UAW) negotiated health care for retirees.  
It improved over the years. In 2007, the UAW negotiated the creation of a 
health  care trust, the Voluntary Employee Beneficiary Association (VEBA), 
freeing  automakers from future retiree health care obligations. The head of UAW
’s VEBA  is the former CEO of Health Alliance Plan. 
 
The fund, negotiated in the name of saving’ retiree health care at GM,  
Chrysler and Ford, is already on life support. Sold to the membership with  
promises of solvency for eighty years, the UAW is now scrambling to secure  
funding, as automakers have not paid the $57 billion promised. The plan took  
effect in January of this year. Retirees have already lost eye care and 
dental  coverage; co-pays and deductibles have risen. 
 
Analysts now predict that the UAW will make more benefit plan changes. Some 
 have projected that the fund could go broke in the near future. This means 
 thousands of retirees could go without health care as VEBA, unlike 
pensions, is  not insured. 
 

Drawing the Lessons 
 

Workers have gone from negotiating company retiree health care (won in  
1950) to negotiating directly with the health care industry. They are now  
totally dependent on a market-driven trust fund. In addition, millions of other 
 
manufacturing workers have lost good paying jobs and the so-called “Cadillac
”  health care benefits that came with it. No union leader today can 
deliver the  goods to members through collective bargaining alone. The real 
interests of the  workers is expressed by the fact that scores of unions 
(including the UAW) have  endorsed a Single-payer (Medicare for All) health 
care 
delivery system as the  way forward for union and non-union workers alike. In 
the name of practical  politics, however, the UAW “won” an infusion of cash 
for VEBA ($10 Billion)  earlier this year in the then-proposed House bill, 
seeming to render them silent  on their own position. Furthermore, when the 
Senate proposed taxes on the  “Cadillac” union plans, union leaders were 
unwilling or unable to remove them,  leaving many workers appalled and angry. 
 
Gone are the days when it was in capital’s interest to ensure workers’  
health for its own sake. Workers now compete with robots and robots don’t need 
 health care. If nothing else, these workers have gotten a dose of what it 
is  like to have to rely on the Democrats to meet their needs, but 
revolutionaries  have to make sure they draw the right lessons from the 
experience. 
 
Politicization and the role of the Revolutionaries 
 
As fighters in the social movement we need to participate in the fight to  
get rid of private insurance. As revolutionaries, we have to politicize it. 
The  process has begun as a de-legitimation of the insurance companies, of 
corporate  control over our health. It has to be taken to its ultimate 
conclusion, to a  demand that our government works for society as a whole. This 
needs to be a  wake-up call to political action along class lines. 
 
Our class is in the process of learning that both major U.S. parties  
represent corporate interests. Autoworkers in the Rust Belt and others are  
beginning to see the futility and immorality of corporate-driven health care 
and  
are taking up this fight. Dispossessed workers often characterize their 
plight  as “Corporate America is hell bent on destroying the middle class.” 
These  workers are still struggling to see the class nature of their fight. In 
this  context, their fight for Single-payer represents forward motion on 
this issue.  This changes the relationship of the revolutionaries to these 
workers. The days  of appealing to corporate America to “do right” or of “
pushing the Democratic  Party to the left” are over. The struggle over the role 
of government provides  us with an opportunity to help the combatants to see 
how to fight in their own  class interests. The motion of autoworkers 
within this struggle presents us with  opportunities for work with Single-payer 
leaders, too. Groupings around the  country are finally in motion against 
profit-driven health care. We are  witnessing the beginnings of a fight driven 
by the needs of those who achieved  the best hopes of the working class for 
stability in the past period. The  struggle for health care for all has 
tremendous potential to escalate if this  section of our class begins to lead 
it. 
 
Lastly, the ugly forms of reaction to this fight for reform are part of the 
 political process and the fight for health care as well. Race-based and  
anti-socialist attacks on Obama or Congress members are in fact attacks on 
those  who voted for Obama because they wanted real reform, regardless of the 
level of  their political consciousness in doing so. These forms are 
historically  developed and revolutionaries ignore them at their peril. 
 
We are witnessing a break in continuity in the political landscape. It is  
important to revolutionaries not only because of the breadth of the health 
care  crisis, but for the political education our class is undergoing. We are 
coming  out of a period when politicization wasn’t really possible. Today, 
the  dispossessed are being shaken from the security they once had under 
capitalism;  they are in the process of awakening. In this environment, they 
can be agitated  to support fascism or they can be politicized to become a 
catalyst to fight for  their independent class interests. 
 
May.2010.Vol20.Ed3 This article originated in Rally, Comrades! P.O. Box  
477113 Chicago, IL 60647 _rally@lrna.org_ (mailto:ra...@lrna.org)  Free  to 
reproduce unless otherwise marked. Please include this message with any  
reproduction. 
 

Politicizing the Social Motion: Lessons from the Battle for Health  Care
 

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