In a message dated 1/15/2011 8:36:50 A.M. Eastern Standard Time, 
_Waistline2@aol.com_ (mailto:waistli...@aol.com)  writes: 
 
(This reply was written in response to a thread on  Pen-L, but  related  to 
an earlier discussion of Lenin's view and characterization of  imperialism 
and  proletarian revolution.) 
 
WL. 
 
***** 
 
CB 
 
In a message dated 1/18/2011 10:04:36 A.M. Eastern Standard Time, 
__cb31450@gmail.com_ (mailto:_cb31...@gmail.com)  writes: 
 

Hear , hear,  . . . . 
 
CB 
 
 
 

Thanks CB. 
 
The intent was a general summary agreeable of the  broadest Marxist  
framework and divergent views of Lenin's meaning of  imperialism. The past  
decade 
of discussion of neo-liberalism as a regime is akin  to saying  
"neo-imperialism." 
 
Does today's Latin America represent colonies or neo-colonies of American  
imperialism? Or political states occupying a "certain position" within the  
new  financial and military architecture?  Colonialism was a specific  
economic-social-political relation rather than just "big states," "little   
states" or no state, oppressing peoples and oppressed peoples, etc. 
 
A couple of days ago was the 50 anniversary of the assassination of Lumumba 
 and occasion to rethink the question of transition to the neo-colonial 
state  and  its subsequent development. The legacy of colonialism is alive and  
well in the  Congo and throughout much of the former colonial world. 
 
Yet, this is not ones father's imperialism. 
 
II. 
 
The investment banker and scholar Henry C.K. Liu, who is more communist  
than 90% of American Marxists, called today's imperialism "neo-imperialism" in 
 the context of a decade of writings focused on the new form of finance  
capital.  Liu deploys concepts such as "capital as a notional value"  meaning 
an imaginary  value or lacking the surplus value dimensions that  
characterized the  financial-industrial capital of which Lenin wrote. 
 
Liu calls speculative capital "speculative finance," buttressed by a new  
non-banking financial architecture and operating as a notional value in a  
monetary system of fiat money or rather currency. His premise is that  
financial  architecture is by definition different from economy that is  
production 
of  products, although the interactive of both must be examined  in the 
concrete.  Thus he speaks of monetary policy - not as a thing in  itself, but 
as a distinct  political form of rule over the economy. 
 
I think. 
 
One would have to ask him exactly what he means but his meaning seems  
crystal clear to me - a decade later, thousands of hours of reading later and  
shifting through his all of his writings. 
 
Liu is a communist with money. I mean communist in the sense of the  
movement that erupted with the dissolution of primitive communism. 
 
Liu calls for a system of sovereign birth credits - entitlement or economic 
 communism in the here and now, allowing the individual a lifetime of  
socially  necessary means of life. Being born with an entitlement as the  
social 
contract,  means a mode of distribution not requiring a previous or  prior 
contribution of  labor as the means for consumption. It is left to  society 
to reorganize itself  to meet all it reproduction needs. A freaking  banker 
is more progressive than  many of the communists and Marxists. 
 
All of this is part of describing the new world we face and practical  
solutions. "Neo-imperialism" or "neo-finance capital," might be the term we are 
 
seeking. 
 
Sovereign birth credits or birth rights as the mode of production 
 
( and DISTRIBUTION . . . added to original reply with no other changes. WL) 
 
and specific architecture of economic communism is something to think  
about. 
 
Go figure. 
 
Waistline. 

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