EXTENDED VERSION
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PART D
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F. Unilateral refusal to pay the entire debt
The  existence of the fact of the country’s financial bankruptcy has been  
questioned by all the bourgeois forces, as well as organizations  
(parliamentary 
or otherwise) with reference to the Left. In this  context, some forces are 
talking about renegotiating the debt, which  essentially means new loans, again 
with usurious terms, and extension of  the debt’s repayment time schedule, as 
well as the supervision by the  imperialist institutions. Other forces 
completely reject the refusal to  pay the debt, again postponing this immediate 
need to the “change” in a  future “anti-capitalism.” 

The refusal of recognizing, and the unilateral suspension of paying the entire 
debt (in the context of the bankruptcy of the Greek economy),  - in direct 
connection with the withdrawal, HERE AND NOW, of Greece  from the EU-EMU-Euro - 
and the struggle proposal of the Movement for the  Reorganization of the 
Communist Party of Greece 1918-55” for this  crucial historical period (a 
period 
when neither a revolutionary  situation nor the revolutionary party of the 
working class exists) means  the refusal on the part of the working class and 
the people to pay for  the crisis and the looting of public wealth, on which 
the 
capital and  the government are justifying the imposition of the most extreme  
anti-worker measures and are asking people to make “shared sacrifices  for the 
motherland” with the rich, as if it were the first who created  the crisis, 
robbed the social security funds and robbed the public  wealth.
In order to justify their attitude, the forces that  refuse to propose the 
suspension of payments - objectively in line with  the government and all 
bourgeois political forces that do not pose such a  question as well – claim 
that this slogan is either supposedly directed  to the Government, or is a 
“positive proposal” within the system, which  helps to address the crisis for 
the benefit of the system. However, the  claim for the unilateral suspension of 
payments is directed solely to  the working class and all the toiling masses, 
putting very clearly the  need for immediate, daily and increasing political 
action against the  misery the capitalist system is promising. We maintain that 
strikes,  whose sole aim is defending the workers’ gains and which do not have 
a  
clear target and prospect for success, are only “some” while we are  living in 
the historic times of a systemic crisis of capital and its  institutions 
(banks, 
etc.), when the clear issue of this system’s  sustainability or the 
disappearance of workers is set on the agenda. 

The confinement of the working class’s struggle to strictly trade-unionist  
demands, as this is projected by the social democrats (“K”KE-SYN) as  well as 
the organizations of the extraparliamentary Left  (KOE-NAR-ANTARSYA-KKE 
(m-l)-M-L KKE, etc.),3 even as “having as a spearhead the demands of struggle 
for the overthrow of the enslaving memorandum of the government-EU-IMF” 
(“Laikos 
Dromos,” 3/7/2010, p. 13), is at first sentencing the working class’s struggle 
to a defensive position, demobilizes and paralyzes it, and second – and more 
important – disconnects this necessary and of vital importance struggle of the 
working class for the defense of its class interests from the struggle against 
imperialist dependence by the EU – a dependence which has caused directly a 
series of the country’s economic problems,  which are impossible to become 
understood to the required degree by the  workers and the people without the 
struggle against EU, despite the  breakdown of the myths attached to the EU.
The social democratic leaders of SYN have abandoned the anti-imperialist 
position-slogan “Greece out of the EU” and  are in favour of the country 
staying 
within EU, while those of “K”KE,  who are sometimes invoking the slogan 
phenomenally-demagoguely in order  to deceive the working people, have 
essentially abandoned it as well,  because firstly, they are also in favour of 
Greece staying inside  EU, as A. Papariga recently confessed in an answer of 
hers to a  relevant question that the exit of Greece from the EU at this moment 
“is not a solution in itself”4, and therefore they are in favour of Greece 
staying in the EU, and secondly, they, along with Maoist revisionist KKE (m-l) 
and M-L KKE5 are transferring and relegating Greece’s exit from the EU to – as 
far  as “K”KE is concerned – the Greek calends, i.e. the “Doomsday” of  
so-called “people’s power” – “people’s economy)6, and to – as far as the 
Maoists 
are concerned – their “socialism” – both of which remain in the confines of 
capitalism.
Despite  all these, the social democratic “K”KE and the Maoist revisionists of  
KKE (m-l)/ M-L KKE attempted unsuccessfully to construct a “Left”  disguise, to 
appear “more on the Left” by those (NAR, “Left Economists”)  who only suggest 
an 
“exit from EMU-EURO,” and criticizing them, while at the same time, they are 
the 
ones who do not even suggest an “exit from EMU-EURO,” even as a “first 
reformist 
step,” and even more they do not suggest the here and now exit of Greece from 
imperialist EU, and therefore, since they do not do so, it is obvious that they 
are silently but fully and faithfully supporting the local capital’s current 
strategic choice of KEEPING Greece inside EMU-EURO-EU.
The  adoption of unilateral suspension and refusal to pay the debt, namely  the 
refusal of the working class and the people to recognize and pay the  debt may, 
as a slogan of struggle, mobilize broad segments of society  at the risk of 
poverty, because on the one hand the debt is not their  creation, but of the 
reactionary bourgeoisie, and on the other hand, it  is in large part the 
product 
of usurious interest rates. The extent to  which this slogan can be translated 
into everyday multiform action will  show the way the movement on its part 
could 
“blackmail” and press (any)  government to stop donating cash to save banks and 
borrowing at usurious  interest rates, which could save a lot of money for 
wages 
and pensions.  The escalation of the struggle around the request for the 
unilateral  suspension of payments, always in a direct connection to the exit, 
here  and now, of the country from the EU-EMU-Euro is the only realistic way  
to 
implement the slogan “capitalists pay for their crisis,” i.e. the  banks and 
industrialists and those who rip off the public wealth. 

G. Struggle for the defenceof people’s rights to work, social security, 
democratic freedoms and the re-conquest of demolished gains
The  immediate objective of the struggle of the working class and of the  broad 
working masses, in this very difficult period, is the defense of  class 
interests at all levels to defend the rights and gains that have  not been 
affected by the hurricane of Memorandum and the re-conquest of  the demolished 
gains earned in bloody fights over a century. More  specifically, main 
objectives of the struggle must be: 

        * Struggle for the prohibition of lay-offs and re-emloyment of all 
those who 
have been sacked
        * Public, free and universal health care and social security
        * Rehabilitation of the 13th and 14th pension to all pensioners and the 
13th 
and 14th wage for workers in public services
        * Increased and unconditional benefits for all unemployed people for 
the total 
time of unemployment 

        * Respect for collective bargaining agreements and prohibition of any 
blackmailing “individual and business bargaining agreements”
        * Reduction in indirect taxes that affect only the broad masses, 
especially in 
basic goods
        * Defence of the public and free character of the university and all 
education
        * Stop the ongoing privatization of public property and the selling out 
of 
social services
        * Business Taxation from 20-25% to 35-40%
        * Hit evasion and contribution evasion of the capitalists, without 
gracious 
closing arrangements
        * Drastic reduction of expenditures on military equipment and increase 
of the 
budget for education and health
        * Full taxation of the property (not just real estate) of the church, 
which is 
not its own anyway
        * Defence of the university sanctuary as the highest democratic and 
people’s 
right
        * Unconditional legalization of all immigrants living and working in 
the 
country 

        * Resistance to State Terrorism
H. The unity of the labour-popular movement is the prerequisite for victory
The  battle against the Memorandum and in general against the onslaught of  
capital requires the maximum mobilization of the forces of the working  class 
and of the broad working masses in order to create the conditions  for the 
overthrow. 

The working class and the sum of working  people failed in the previous period 
to repel the attacks of foreign and  local capital (attacks attempting to be 
consolidated for several  years), as these were launched by the Troika and the 
government and were  reflected in the Memorandum. This is due to the 
treacherous 
line of  class collaboration by the sold-out reformist workers’ patrons of  
GSEE-ADEDY and their respective leadership factions:  PASKE-DAKE-PAME-AUTONOMI 
PAREMVASI.7 On the one hand, the pro-employer unionism of GSEE-ADEDY (with the  
leadership of PASKE, the support of DAKE and the tolerance of PAME-AP),  with 
the declaration of one-day (!) strikes only for the eyes of the  world, which 
strikes they do not even care to organize, propagandize in  elemental level, 
leading inevitably to their ever-decreasing massiveness  and participation at 
the moment when the burst of mobilizations was  necessary (May-June 2010). On 
the other hand, the consistently divisive  tactics of the reformists of PAME, 
who, with their separate  demonstrations and gatherings, the paternalistic and 
propertarian  attitude within unions (even reaching the establishment of 
separate  unions that are controlled purely by their forces (!), even breaking  
existing unions on the grounds that are they are “sold out” because they  do 
not 
follow PAME), and the submission of all mobilizations to their  narrow 
electoral 
designs, have been permanently undermining the unity  and massiveness of 
mobilizations, rendering them ineffective. 

The  effective resistance to the measures being imposed consistently through  
the Memorandum and in accordance with the appetites of international  and local 
capital, requires a broad and united front that will  understand that true 
class 
action does not mean separate gatherings  under the guise of greater militancy, 
but, on the contrary, common,  collective and joint action in the workplaces, 
the creation of new  grassroots unions and reorganization of existing ones, the 
revival the  student unions, the development of popular resistances on the  
neighbourhood level, and generally whatever contributes to the unity of  the 
workers’-people’s movement and the militant response from the base  the 
movement, independently of the reformist patrons 

Furthermore,  in the context of the struggle for the unity of the working class 
and  against the goals of capitalists and workers’ patrons to divide the  
forces 
of workers, the labour movement must fight for the immediate,  equal and 
unconditional integration of the immigrants (with or without  “papers”) and the 
unemployed in trade unions, and hence the movement,  which will be a step to 
increasing the massive character and making  effective the action of the 
movement. 

The example of the unity of  French workers’ protests shows the way for the 
development of the  labour-popular movement’s mass resistance. The success of 
the protests  by French workers - in terms of massiveness and militancy - 
against  Sarkozy’s anti-social security law, protests which paralyzed France 
for  
days, is due to the fact that in a country with 4 (!) Workers’  Confederations 
(and despite their ideological and political  differences), the unity of the 
whole class, the immigrants, the  unemployed, the youth is considered to be 
established and is put into  practice by coordinating the protests, without any 
political or trade  union force to even think of committing the class betrayal 
of division,  which automatically means the weakening of class struggle. 

The proposal of the Movement for the Reorganization of the Communist Party of 
Greece 1918-55 is in direct opposition and rupture with the big local capital’s 
strategic choice of KEEPING Greece inside EMU-EURO-EU,  as it is promoted in an 
auspicious moment and favourable condition,  both in relation to the interior 
and the European context. It is a  proposal, and an overripe demand for 
promotion when the myths of  imperialist Europe and local capitalism are 
becoming bankrupt daily in  front of the wrathful eyes of the Greek people; the 
only proposal  expressing popular and national interests, and most importantly, 
 
it is contributing to the development of an anti-imperialist  consciousness for 
the broad popular masses and is suitable to cause the  development of a large, 
broad, gigantic anti-imperialist movement – this  is exactly what big local 
capital as well as EU monopolies fear –,  suitable for the shifting of the 
necessary and requirement balance of  power for the preparation of the future 
terminal release of the country  for imperialist bondage, opening the way of 
revolutionary perspective,  in combination with the fermentation of relevant 
revolutionary slogans  in each phase of the struggle, in the direction of  
anti-imperialist-proletarian revolution and socialism-communism.
November 2010
1 Aleka Papariga – “K”KE: “they are bringing back the scarecrow of bankruptcy,” 
“Rizospastis” 23/4/2010, p. 6, Alexis Tsipras – SYN: “nice fable about the 
dragon of bankruptcy,” “Eleftherotypia” 14/3/2010,
2 S. Zorbalas: “Marxism and Our Age,” p. 41, Athens 1976. Also look N.  
Kyritsis, “Neos Kosmos,” 9/1971, pp. 120-21, Th. Zachos, “Neos Kosmos,”  
11/1972, pp. 40-41, etc. As for D. Koutsoumpas in the spirit of E.David  
(1899), 
Kautsky (1901), Tscheprakow (1969), Farakos (1974), he  rejects-denies both 
relative and absolute immiseration, despite being  economic laws, replacing 
them 
with the version of “tendency”: “a tendency of absolute and relative 
immiseration” (“R,” 25/4/2010, p. 4).
3 KOE: Communist Organization of Greece. Maoists co-operating with SYN in  
SYRIZA (Coalition of the Radical Left). KKE (m-l) (Communist Party of  Greece 
(marxist-leninist) and M-L KKE (Marxist-Leninist Communist Party  of Greece) 
are 
Maoists as well. NAR: New Left Current, split of KKE from  1989. ANTARSYA: 
Anticapitalist Left Co-operation for the Overthrow: a  coalition of 
organizations of the extraparliamentary left.
4 “Rizospastis,” 5/3/2010, p. 10
5 “Laikos Dromos,”, newspaper of M-LKKE, 5/6/2010, pp. 12-13
6 “K”KE: “disconnection from the EU along with people’s power,” (“Rizospastis” 
27/6/2010, p. 11)
7 GSEE: General Confederation of Greek Workers. ADEDY: Civil Servants’  
Confederation. PASKE (All-Greece Militant Syndicalist Movement): the  
syndicalist wing of PASOK. DAKE: Independent Democratic Workers’  Movement. The 
syndicalist wing of Nea Dimokratia. PAME (All-Workers  Militant Front): the 
syndicalist wing of “K”KE. AP (Autonomi Paremvasi,  Autonomous Intervention): 
the syndicalist wing of SYN.

The Political Committee of the "Movement for the Reorganisation of the 
Communist 
Party of Greece 1918-55"
PO Box 3689, 102 10 Athens
Greece
Tel: +30 2108621543
Site:http://anasintaxi.awardspace.com
Blog (English):http://anasintaxi-en.blogspot.com
Blog (Greek):http://anasintaxi.blogspot.com



      

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