Best regards, Andrew Stewart
Begin forwarded message: > From: H-Net Staff via H-REVIEW <[email protected]> > Date: March 6, 2021 at 7:55:17 AM EST > To: [email protected] > Cc: H-Net Staff <[email protected]> > Subject: H-Net Review [H-Diplo]: Jones Meyer on Brilliant and Kennedy, > 'World War II and the West It Wrought' > Reply-To: [email protected] > > Mark Brilliant, David M. Kennedy. World War II and the West It > Wrought. Stanford Stanford University Press, 2020. 256 pp. $90.00 > (cloth), ISBN 978-1-5036-1157-3; $28.00 (paper), ISBN > 978-1-5036-1287-7. > > Reviewed by Carter Jones Meyer (Ramapo College of New Jersey) > Published on H-Diplo (March, 2021) > Commissioned by Seth Offenbach > > For the past forty years or so, historians of the American West have > rallied around the view that World War II served as a watershed event > for the region. The war, they noted, caused the West to experience > greater social and economic change than any other region of the > United States: the population soared, particularly in urban areas, > and the economy flourished, the result of unprecedented investment in > manufacturing, scientific research, education, and infrastructure. In > the immediate postwar decades, a diverse array of westerners enjoyed > more prosperity than at any other time, and this encouraged greater > racial and gender equality. The West was no utopia, of course--there > were, for example, environmental issues to contend with as a result > of the prosperity--but in general, World War II and its aftermath > marked an extraordinary new era of growth and opportunity for the > region, enabling it to become the "pacesetter" for the nation.[1] > > While the essays in _World War II and the West It Wrought _provide > abundant evidence to support this interpretation of the post-World > War II West, they also provide important evidence to revise it. They > point out, for example, that some social, political, and economic > trends that are typically associated with the postwar period actually > developed in the prewar years; at the same time, developments that > historians have frequently associated with the war itself are more a > product of the Cold War. Taken together, as eminent western historian > Richard White notes in his thought-provoking afterword, the essays > argue convincingly that World War II should be considered more a > "western water project than a watershed," one that "captured, > redirected, and accelerated older flows and put them to new purposes" > (p. 179). The war, from this perspective, was not so much a break > with the past as it was an extension of it, a catalyst for change as > much as a transformational event in and of itself. > > The seeds of this fresh new interpretation of World War II in the > West can be traced to a conference held at Stanford University's Bill > Lane Center for the American West in 2016, on the seventy-fifth > anniversary of America's entrance into the war. The subsequent > collection of essays, written by a distinguished group of scholars, > some of whom are noted for their work in western history but others > whose work extends well beyond the field, map out important new > directions for research on the war and its aftermath in the West. > > The volume opens with Jared Farmer's excellent "Executive Domain: > Military Reservations in the Wartime West," which ties together the > histories of expansionism, conservation, and militarism to examine > President Franklin Delano Roosevelt's (FDR) conscription of Great > Basin lands, including some Indian reservations, for military use > during World War II. Farmer traces the roots of this practice to > President Theodore Roosevelt's conservation efforts in the West, > which depended on bold executive action to withdraw public lands for > wildlife refuges and national monuments, like that of the Grand > Canyon. FDR built on this precedent, only now, during World War II, > the land withdrawals were for military use and were far larger in > magnitude than anything Theodore Roosevelt had undertaken. At the > time, they were considered a continuation of earlier prewar > withdrawals and were meant to be temporary. But following the war's > end, and the emergence of the Cold War, Farmer notes, this rationale > gave way to permanently militarized land withdrawals, now in the name > of national security. Air Force bombing ranges, navy gunnery ranges, > and army training grounds in the arid West continue to this day, > having "existed in perpetual wartime" since FDR's presidency (p. 9). > As long as the United States is committed to an "action-ready" > military and nuclear and aerial supremacy, he argues, millions of > acres of federal land will remain militarized parts of the executive > domain (p. 9). > > The theme of conscription continues in chapter 2 with Daniel J. > Kevles's fascinating study of the role of the West's major research > laboratories--at California Institute of Technology and the > University of California at Berkeley--in the transformation of the > region's high-tech industry from the pursuit of basic knowledge to > national defense. The leaders in this transformation, physicist > Ernest O. Lawrence at Berkeley and aerodynamicists Theodore von > Kármán and Frank Malina at Cal Tech, managed through public and > private patronage to establish a world-class reputation for their > laboratories even before World War II. But innovations during the > war, fueled by von Kármán and Malina's jet engine and rocket > programs at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory and Lawrence's cyclotrons > and nuclear science research, led to the development of the A-bomb > and ensured federal funding during the Cold War. All these labs > flourished as a result, their leadership in science and technology > contributing in significant ways to the growth and economic > transformation of the postwar West. > > Gavin Wright's "World War Two, the Cold War, and the Knowledge > Economies of the Pacific Coast" builds on Kevles's chapter by > examining the institutional and economic evolution of knowledge > economy clusters in Los Angeles, the San Francisco Bay area, Seattle, > and San Diego. He convincingly argues that these clusters, composed > of private businesses, research universities, suppliers, and educated > professionals, were made possible not necessarily by pre-World War II > economic developments, such as those in aviation and shipbuilding, > but rather by massive Cold War-era military spending that transformed > the West into the nation's economic pacesetter, with Silicon Valley > and Seattle emerging as high-tech capitals. He notes that this > technology-oriented funding was unprecedented in scale and quite > different from wartime patterns, as it favored West Coast business > firms and research universities and fostered the growth of an > enduring regional infrastructure. With the end of the Cold War and > deep cuts in defense spending, however, these clusters were forced to > shift to civilian technologies and commercial markets with varying > degrees of success. Although Wright does not examine the human toll > of this shift, he does note the rise of economic inequality as a > consequence. Succeeding chapters in the book examine this inequality > more fully. > > The political and social impacts of World War II on the West are the > focus of Matthew Dallek's insightful chapter, "The Politics Wrought > by War: Phoenix, Seattle, and the Emergence of the Red-Blue Divide in > the West, 1939-1950." Dallek examines the effect of wartime > mobilization on the distinctly different political cultures of > Phoenix and Seattle. He notes that there were differences long before > the war. Seattle, for example, tended to be industrial, racially and > economically diverse, and progressive in its politics. Phoenix, by > comparison, remained underdeveloped, reliant as it had become on > distant businessmen associated with the extractive economy. During > World War II, however, massive federal investments in these cities > acted as "speed ramps" that accelerated political divides (p. 100). > By the late 1940s, Seattle could be clearly identified by its "blue" > politics, based on an industrial economy, a well-developed labor > movement, racial diversity, and civil rights initiatives. Phoenix, on > the other hand, assumed a distinctly "red" political profile. Anglo > businessmen, the city's manufacturing elites, dominated politics, > reinforced racial segregation and inequality, opposed labor rights, > and adopted a strong anti-Communist posture, all of which the federal > government would not challenge. As Dallek concludes, the red-blue > divide that characterized Phoenix and Seattle in World War II and > beyond may help us understand the roots of our current political > divisions in the US. > > Geraldo L. Cadava provides a previously little-known perspective on > the roots of western conservatism in his excellent chapter, "The > Roots of Hispanic Conservatism in the Wartime West." Cadava examines > the southwestern founders of the national conservative Hispanic > movement of the late twentieth century to determine what motivated > their turn to the right, especially as other Hispanics embraced > liberal Democratic policies. He contends that these > individuals--Benjamin Fernandez, Manual Luján, Fernando Oaxaca, > Martin Castillo, and Francisco Vega--all identified World War II as a > pivotal experience that provided them lessons in patriotism and > service to country. They pointed to the opportunities that came to > them as a result of the war, including education through the G.I. > Bill and employment in private industries that boomed in the postwar > economy. They embraced upward mobility as a hallmark of a capitalist > system that was fundamentally good and that must be defended and > protected against Communist threats. In politics they organized a > grassroots conservative movement that reflected their values, but > they also allied themselves with the rising western stars of the > Republican Party, such as Senator Barry Goldwater and Presidents > Ronald Reagan and Richard Nixon. They shared a belief in free > enterprise capitalism, right-to-work laws, and military interventions > in countries allegedly threatened by Communists. Their movement > became national in scope because of these shared beliefs, but by the > 1980s it began to show cracks, the result of disagreements over > immigration policies in the Reagan administration and the rise of > Cuban Americans within the Republican Party. That their political > influence waned does not make them any less significant, however. As > Cadava convincingly argues, the conservative Hispanic movement of the > post-World War II era offers us an important, if lesser-known, > narrative about the legacy of World War II for Mexican Americans and > the West. > > Rebecca Jo Plant, in "'No Private School Could Ever Be as > Satisfactory': The Fight for Government-Funded Child Care in Postwar > Los Angeles," turns her gaze to another lesser-known narrative of the > postwar West, in this case the debates surrounding childcare in Los > Angeles, a vital hub not only of wartime production but also of the > most extensive network of childcare centers in California. Plant > notes that Los Angeles had a history of progressive childcare > policies in the three decades before World War II, notably tax-based > nurseries in public schools located in impoverished immigrant > communities. As the city's population exploded during the war, the > result of job opportunities in the burgeoning wartime industries, > working mothers and their allies demanded federally funded childcare > centers. These centers proved to be very popular, so when the federal > government announced that it would cut funding just one week after > the end of the war, working parents protested. They argued that > childcare centers were a social good that should be supported by the > state, local communities, and public schools. This was especially the > case in the immediate postwar years, with a rising cost of living, > severe housing shortages, uncertain employment, and veterans' > struggles to readjust. By the mid-1950s, however, support for > publicly funded childcare waned. Plant notes the gradual retreat from > wartime egalitarianism as one reason for it, but fiscal conservatism > and competing priorities on the state and local levels played a role > as well. Ultimately, Plant sees this as a cautionary tale for those > today who seek publicly funded childcare as a social right and part > of the "American way of life" (p. 160). > > The final chapter, by Mary L. Dudziak, returns us to the theme of > conscription introduced by Jared Farmer in chapter 1. In this case, > however, Dudziak's "How the Pacific World Became the West" examines > the expansion of US sovereign power in the Pacific following World > War II. She considers this expansion an extension of US expansion in > the North American West in the nineteenth century, meaning that "US > leaders viewed settled areas as empty spaces and occupied them. They > required native peoples to migrate elsewhere or imposed military > governance on their home territory" (p. 164). While there are many > works on this imperial process in the Pacific, she points out that > few have considered how power was simultaneously exercised and > erased, which is the purpose of this essay. Drawing on the examples > of Bikini Atoll in the Marshall Islands, which became a nuclear > testing site, and Guam, which developed into a strategically > important location for US military bases, Dudziak demonstrates how > law, cartography and historiography can be used to understand not > only the forms of US sovereign presence but also the responses of > island peoples themselves. There were differences in these responses, > of course: Bikini islanders eventually rejected formal inclusion in > the US while the Chamorros chose to pursue full US citizenship > rights. The common denominator between them is that the US kept > "these subjects of American power" at arm's length, erasing them by > denying them democratic governance. As Dudziak explains, "The > country's ultimate interest was not in the islanders, but in the use > of their Pacific homes" (p. 164). In this sense, then, there are > clear parallels to be drawn to the policies and practices of the US > among indigenous peoples of the North American West, and the Pacific > World should be considered an extension of those policies and > practices. The Pacific, in other words, has become yet another > American frontier. The only way it can be disentangled from the > history of the West, she concludes, is if erasure is reversed and the > sovereignty of Pacific peoples fully acknowledged. > > Some of the most thought-provoking ideas in this edited volume come > from the afterword by White. Expanding on the volume's themes, White > asks readers to think more broadly about the postwar West as part of > what John McNeil and Peter Engelke called the "Great Acceleration" in > their 2016 book of the same title. They contend that the post-1945 > period is an aberration in the history of mankind and its relation to > the environment, marked as it is by massive global changes, including > the steady rise in human-generated carbon dioxide, population > explosions and the attendant growth in urban living, dam > construction, water depletion, and per capita income and consumption. > White sees the postwar West fitting neatly into this conceptual > framework, though, as he notes, doing so may take away from some of > the West's uniqueness in this period. On the other hand, it may give > the region greater importance, particularly as it relates to this > volume's themes, among them American economic and military supremacy > in the postwar period, massive technological growth, and the > development of a mass consumer society, all of which helped usher in > the Great Acceleration. > > White suggests that the Great Acceleration is not necessarily one > continuous global process; rather, it should be separated into two > distinct phases. The first phase, from the end of World War II up to > the Vietnam War, was marked by economic growth and prosperity, and an > accompanying decline in inequality. After Vietnam, however, there was > a distinct decline in western hegemony and a "painful hangover," as > the editors of the volume refer to it (p. 7). For White, this > "hangover" can be seen in the rise of conservatism, economic > inequality, and climate change, which have generated acrimonious > political fights and the breakup of the liberal consensus, first in > the West but then extending to the rest of North America as well as > to Europe. There is no doomsday scenario predicted here, however; > White chooses instead to accentuate the positive and to note the > possibility of alternative narratives, arguing that the West is > coming to terms with the consequences of the Great Acceleration > produced by World War II. "For the moment," he writes, "in its > politics, its relative globalism, and its environmentalist leanings, > it is either out of step with--or in advance of--much of the rest of > the United States or Europe" (p. 184). What he wishes, in the end, is > that the West of the present might reassert its uniqueness by > ushering in the eventual end of the Great Acceleration. > > _World War II and the West It Wrought _is a groundbreaking > contribution not only to our understanding of the war and its lasting > impact on the postwar West but also to our understanding of the > region's broader history. Its persuasively argued essays, skillfully > contextualized by the editors, map out important new avenues of > inquiry for scholars working on the historical significance of World > War II. It no doubt will have value in the classroom as well, helping > to facilitate among students of western history and post-1945 America > deep discussions of the war's complicated legacy. And as the essays > in this volume make clear, that legacy continues to play out into our > own time, seventy-five years after the guns of war were silenced. > > Note > > [1]. Gerald Nash, _The American West in the Twentieth Century: A > Short History of an Urban Oasis _(Englewood Cliffs: Prentiss Hall, > 1973), 6. > > _Carter Jones Meyer, professor emeritus of history at Ramapo College > of New Jersey, specializes in the history of the American West._ > > Citation: Carter Jones Meyer. Review of Brilliant, Mark; Kennedy, > David M., _World War II and the West It Wrought_. H-Diplo, H-Net > Reviews. March, 2021. > URL: https://www.h-net.org/reviews/showrev.php?id=55682 > > This work is licensed under a Creative Commons > Attribution-Noncommercial-No Derivative Works 3.0 United States > License. > > -=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=- Groups.io Links: You receive all messages sent to this group. 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