Here is the link to an outstanding essay by John Bellamy Foster in the latest 
Monthly Review entitled "The New Denial of Imperialism on the Left” which will 
not be received favourably on this list. Foster surveys contemporary Western 
Marxist theories of multi-imperialisms and finds them sadly wanting against 
Lenin’s classic writings on subject. The entire essay is worth reading, but 
these few excerpts below illustrate its overall perspective.

https://monthlyreview.org/2024/11/01/the-new-denial-of-imperialism-on-the-left/

>From the essay:
Gilbert Achcar, professor of development at the University of London School of 
Oriental and African Studies, published an article in The Nation in 2021 titled 
“How to Avoid the Anti-Imperialism of Fools.” Here he accused the whole 
anti-imperialist left of “campism,” that is, allegiance to a particular camp or 
bloc, insofar as they unequivocally opposed the hybrid imperialism (economic, 
military, financial, and political) directed by the United States and its 
allies within the triad against the countries in the Global South. Those 
socialists who stood firmly united with the peoples of the periphery on 
principle and against all military interventions and economic sanctions were 
accused of thereby providing “red-painted apologetics for dictators.” At the 
same time, Achcar indicated here and elsewhere that it is quite appropriate, in 
his view, for “progressive anti-imperialists” to support military intervention 
by the Western imperialist powers in favor of regime change, as he had in the 
case of the 2011 intervention in Libya, if it is designed to help putatively 
progressive movements, on the ground.96

Western leftists, usually social democrats, have directed harsh criticisms 
against postrevolutionary Cuba and Venezuela for their supposed moral, 
political, and economic failings. Such charges are made outside of any 
meaningful political context, based primarily on uncritical acceptance of 
propagandistic reports from the U.S. and European media, while largely ignoring 
the enormous successes of these states. The criticisms invariably downplay the 
fact that both nations are currently being subjected to the most severe forms 
of international siege warfare ever developed. Economic blockades and financial 
sanctions are designed to deny these societies even the most essential food and 
medicine, coupled with periodic coup attempts—all engineered by the CIA and the 
White House. Yet, the full extent of the U.S. role is skirted by a left that 
seems to operate according to the rules of what the Hoover Institution called 
“democratic imperialism.”97

Another theoretical development characteristic of the Western Eurocentric left 
has been the adoption in stripped-down fashion of Lenin’s theory of 
imperialism, seen as a mere model of horizontal interimperialist conflict 
between great powers. Here, China and Russia are portrayed as constituting a 
single bloc (though representing very different political-economic systems), 
engaged in an imperialist rivalry with the triad of the United States, Europe, 
and Japan.100 Middle-level or semiperipheral countries in the Global South 
enter the picture as “subimperialist” powers—a concept first introduced by 
Marini in the context of dependency theory but now being used in a very 
different way.101 Imperialism, in this new view, is no longer associated 
primarily with the global exploitative role of the great imperial powers, such 
as the United States, Britain, Germany, France, Italy, and Japan, which, making 
up the center of the capitalist world-system, have dominated the centuries-long 
history of imperialism. Rather, the characterization of imperialist states is 
extended to semiperipheral and emerging economies, now classified as 
imperialist or subimperialist, in the spirit of seeing imperialism primarily in 
horizontal rather than vertical terms.

According to Ashley Smith, managing editor of the journal Spectre, writing for 
Tempest, the United States “is locked into competition,” not only with China 
and Russia and their allies, but also with “subimperial states such as Israel, 
Iran, Saudi Arabia, India, and Brazil.”102 (The idea that the United States is 
in competition with Israel will no doubt surprise some!) Yet, as Marxist 
economist Michael Roberts has cogently stated,

I am dubious that sub-imperialism helps us to understand contemporary 
capitalism. It weakens the delineation between the core imperialist bloc and 
the periphery of dominated countries. If every country is a “little bit 
imperialist”…it starts to lose its validity as a useful concept. So-called 
sub-imperialist countries do not have sustained and huge transfers of value and 
resources to them from weaker economies. In our own work [Roberts and Guglielmo 
Carchedi] on imperialism and in empirical work by others, this hierarchical 
structure of value transfer is not revealed. India, China, and Russia actually 
transfer much larger amounts of value to the imperialist bloc than South 
America. Take the BRICS, the best candidates for being “sub-imperialist.” There 
is no evidence of significantly large and long-lasting value transfers to them 
from weaker/and or neighboring economies.103


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