Opinion | Six Ways the Democrats Elected Trump... Again | Common Dreams

It didn't have to be this way. And yet the Democratic Party's failures were 
easy to see every step of the way. Let us count the ways.


As the MAGA troops dine, dance and saunter into the White House, we have to ask 
how one of the most unpopular presidents in U.S. history triumphed yet again. 
Yes, Trump is a gifted entertainer with an incredibly loyal base. But he could 
not have won without Democratic Party malfeasance. Let us count the ways:

1. Biden’s Ego

You don’t get to be president without an enormous ego, so large that it’s very 
hard to imagine not getting exactly what you think is your due. Even though 
Biden told his advisors in 2019 that he would serve only one term, he changed 
his mind, or rather his ego demanded four more years. Biden liked the job he 
had spent his life pining for, and damn anyone who thought he wasn’t up to it.

The combination of ego and power meant that those around Biden were loathe to 
suggest that maybe, just maybe, he shouldn’t start a second term at age 82. The 
closer his advisors were to power, the less likely they were to risk losing 
their access by pointing out that Biden looked his age and then some, and that 
an overwhelming majority of voters thought he was too old to serve again. That 
Biden was having difficulty putting forth coherent sentences in public was 
studiously ignored. Biden was told exactly what he wanted to hear. Run, Joe, 
Run!

2. Liberal-Left Complicity

Everyone who was awake, except Biden and those dependent upon him, knew that he 
was too old to run again. On November 20, 2023, Biden’s 81st birthday, I wrote 
, “Happy Birthday Joe: Please Don’t Run!” I took a good deal of criticism, even 
from close colleagues. Didn’t I know that there was no way he would agree to 
step down? Didn’t I realize that if someone challenged him the Democrats would 
lose, just as in 1968 when Lyndon Johnson was forced out? Didn’t I realize that 
Biden was the best president for workers since FDR, maybe even better, and had 
therefore earned a second term?

I was stunned especially by the FDR claim. That one only works if you live in 
the Washinton bubble and are blind as a bat (without a bat’s stunning radar.)
   
   - FDR, through his fireside chats, was an enormously gifted communicator. 
Biden during his presidency has been one of the worst.
   - FDR’s massive public works programs engaged millions of people in highly 
visible ways each day. Biden’s infrastructure programs were nearly invisible, 
and severely hampered by his inability to promote them.
   - FDR’s changes in labor law legalized unions and led to an explosion of 
successful organizing, full of posters with FDR saying, “If I went to work in a 
factory, the first thing I’d do is join a union.” While Biden did go on a 
picket line and put pro-labor appointees into key regulatory offices, union 
density barely budged on his watch.

The voters of Mingo County, West Virginia could tell the difference. FDR in 
1936 got 66.1 percent of their vote. Biden received only 13.9 percent in 2020. 
(See Wall Street’s War on Workers for a closer look at Mingo County and the 
collapse of the Democrats.)

By 2024, the rise of inflation and Biden’s feeble demeanor, during the rare 
times he was let out in public, augured for a sizable Trump triumph. Democrats 
who feared a second Trump term should have demanded that Biden step down long 
before he fell flat on his face during the June 2024 debate.

Where were AOC and Sanders? In Biden’s pocket. As late as the middle of June 
2024, AOC said:

Joe Biden is our nominee. He is not leaving this race. He is in this race, and 
I support him.

Even after the worst debate performance in presidential history, Bernie Sanders 
chastised Biden’s critics:

Enough! Mr. Biden may not be the ideal candidate, but he will be the candidate 
and should be the candidate.

No doubt AOC and Sanders saw what I saw a year earlier--- that Biden really was 
too old to serve a second term. But they kept silent. They were not about to 
give up their influence over Biden’s agenda, an agenda they can kiss good-by 
during the coming four years of Trump.

3. The legal cases

If you’re going to put a former president on trial, one who desperately wants 
to run again, you had better do it long before the next election. Instead, 
Attorney General Merrick Garland fumbled around for two years before appointing 
a special counsel to investigate Trump’s attempt to overturn the 2020 election 
and his hiding classified documents in his bathroom. The delay allowed Trump to 
run out the clock and avoid any punishment, despite 34 felony convictions in 
the New York State business records case involving the adult film star Stormy 
Daniels and campaign finance laws.

Clearly, Trump’s legal woes didn’t wound his election chances and may even have 
helped to solidify his base. While progressives were titillated (me included) 
by each new legal revelation about Trump’s malfeasance, the public at large 
cared much more about leadership, change, inflation, and the economy.

4. Anointing Kamala Harris

Kamala Harris was a very poor candidate in 2020. She withdrew after polls 
showed her at 3 percent. Yet, by waiting until after the 2024 debate debacle, 
Biden ensured that the Democrats had no choice but to rally around Harris. She 
was the incumbent vice-president and not doing so would have been viewed as a 
slap in the face to women and people of color.

But they had a choice if they had acted sooner. Had party leaders forced Biden 
out in early 2024, later than they should have, there was time to hold at least 
two primaries that would have put Harris to the test—primaries that would have 
let voters register their preferences, perhaps finding the best candidate and 
giving more legitimacy to whomever was selected.

Taking away that vital phase of the democratic process, the Democrats neutered 
their own claim that Trump was an enemy of democracy. Whether or not those acts 
are parallel in anti-democratic gravity is irrelevant. More than a few voters 
thought that Democrats did not have the high moral ground on democracy issues.

And blaming the Harris loss on racism and sexism is a poor excuse for a party 
desperate to prevent Trump from stomping all over democracy. If the Democrats 
really believed that racism and sexism would defeat Harris, why nominate her?

In the end she could not compete with Trump on two key issues—leadership and 
change. On the exit poll question of the candidate's "ability to lead,” Trump 
received 66 percent to Harris’s 33 percent. On “Can bring needed change,” it 
was 74 percent for Trump to 24 percent for Harris.

5. Anti-working-class campaign

Nevertheless, Harris was a much stronger campaigner in 2024 than in 2020. She 
exuded energy and certainly was far more coherent than Biden. The spark needed 
to attract support was there. But by that point the problem was substance, not 
style. Harris is a corporate Democrat, and she wanted to gain the support of 
Wall Street as much if not more than she wanted to be the party of the working 
class.

While independent polls, like those from the Center for Working Class Politics, 
showed that the Democrats needed to campaign on a strong anti-corporate 
populist message, especially in Pennsylvania, Harris chose to emphasize her 
opponent’s threat to democracy. Further, she went out of her way to raise money 
from Wall Street, to campaign with Republicans, and to make her campaign 
palatable to them both.

For me, the defining moment came in the response to the John Deere and 
Company’s announcement moving 1,000 jobs from the Midwest to Mexico. In June 
2024, right here on the pages of Common Dreams, I repeatedly begged the Biden 
administration to stop the carnage. Deere was the poster child of a greedy 
corporation that was using job cuts to move money to Wall Street through stock 
buybacks, an artificial means of boosting the share price to enrich a company’s 
richest investors. In 2023, Deere logged $10 billion in profits, paid its CEO 
$26.7 million, and conducted $12.2 billion in stock buybacks. As I pleaded 
then: “Come on Joe, go to bat for these workers and show the working class that 
you’re tougher than Trump when it comes to saving American jobs.”

The greatest president for labor since FDR did nothing. When more layoffs were 
announced in the fall, Trump jumped on it, calling for a 200 percent tariff on 
John Deere imports from Mexico.

Here was the chance for Harris to strut her pro-working-class stuff. Instead, 
her campaign committed political malpractice. They recruited Mark Cuban, the TV 
star billionaire, former principal owner of the Dallas Mavericks basketball 
team, to attack Trump’s plan. He called the proposed Deere tariffs, “insanity.” 
He criticized Trump’s worker-friendly proposal rather than Deere’s attempt to 
kill workers’ jobs. Cuban is on record saying stock buybacks are bad for 
employees, but he said not a word about Deere’s abuse of them. And most 
importantly, neither he, nor Harris, nor anyone else in the campaign said a 
word about the 1,000 jobs that would be lost.

That’s because they are corporate Democrats who refuse to interfere with 
corporate decision making. Job loss is inevitable and necessary, they believe, 
and only can be confronted by the vague promise that new jobs will be created 
elsewhere within the prosperous “opportunity society.” Instead of stopping 
needless mass layoffs, the Democrats prefer to shower corporations with public 
money to “encourage” them to create jobs, which are nearly always for someone 
other than those who are losing theirs. It’s not hard to see why workers like 
those at Deere might think Trump would fight harder for them.

6. Inflation

The rise in prices negatively affected the vast majority of voters and it 
happened on Biden’s watch. To say it was not as bad as in the rest of the world 
was a feeble response, as was blaming Covid supply chain transformations. 
Whatever truth there was to these claims, what voters wanted to see were 
actions to stop prices from rising and attempts made to lower as many as 
possible.

This would prove to be a heavy lift for Harris. She needed to attack the major 
corporate cartels that jacked up prices, which would mean breaking with the 
Biden administration (something she pointedly refused to do). She would have to 
call for investigations about price gouging, and even demanding price controls 
to prevent the food and drug producers form profiteering. It would also mean 
proposing new laws to prevent Wall Street and private equity firms from buying 
up millions of homes, a practice that was putting upward pressure on home 
prices and hurting even workers with decent-paying jobs. In short, it would 
mean breaking from Wall Streeters and turning public ire against them. She 
early on made some noise about price controls, but as the campaign proceeded, a 
populist message didn’t happen and realistically could not have happened given 
the Democrats’ immense entanglement with their Wall Street financiers.

Of the voters who said inflation has caused their family “severe hardship,” 76 
percent voted for Trump according to exit polls. Of those who said inflation 
caused “no hardship,” 78 percent voted for Harris. So why would you do anything 
serious about inflation if your real base of support, upper income voters, 
don’t feel any pain?

Chuck Schmer enthusiastically summarized the new class politics in 2016:

For every blue-collar Democrat we lose in western Pennsylvania, we will pick up 
two moderate Republicans in the suburbs in Philadelphia, and you can repeat 
that in Ohio and Illinois and Wisconsin.
Now, didn’t that turn out to be the perfect strategy for four more years of 
Trump?
Les Leopold


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