Biden's Legacy: The World Is More Unsafe For Journalists - PopularResistance.Org

Biden's Legacy - The Dissenter


President Joe Biden’s administration proclaimed numerous times that “journalism 
is not a crime” and that the United States government supports “free and 
independent media around the world.” Biden said the “free press is crumbling” 
in his farewell address. But the reality is that Biden and his administration 
helped make the state of the free press more fragile.

Over 200 journalists in Gaza were killed by Israeli military forces armed by 
the Biden administration. Other client states, like India and Saudi Arabia, 
trampled on the human rights of reporters without fearing much criticism.

Through the political case against WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange, Biden 
became the first president to secure an Espionage Act conviction against a 
journalist.

Biden, along with Democrats, had plenty of time to pass a federal shield law to 
protect U.S. journalists from government interference. Yet when asked if he 
supported greater protection for the news media, the White House would not 
endorse the legislation.

And during the last week of Biden’s presidency, State Department spokesperson 
Matthew Miller had guards drag a reporter out of a press briefing room.

Reporters Without Borders (RSF) offered an assessment in their 2024 World Press 
Freedom Index that applies to the Biden administration:


A growing number of governments and political authorities are not fulfilling 
their role as guarantors of the best possible environment for journalism and 
for the public’s right to reliable, independent, and diverse news and 
information. RSF sees a worrying decline in support and respect for media 
autonomy and an increase in pressure from the state or other political actors.


On top of Biden officials’ failure to create the “best possible environment for 
journalism,” they also cynically invoked freedom of the press to further U.S. 
foreign policy objectives. For example, officials were outspoken when Russia 
attacked journalists but nonchalant and tight-lipped when Israel killed, 
detained, or censored journalists.

Not All Journalists Are Really Journalists

The Biden administration claimed the authority to determine who is and is not a 
journalist in order to deny them protection from prosecutions. Officials also 
applied criminal charges or other forms of lawfare to suppress journalism that 
they opposed.

In June 2024, the biggest press freedom case of the century ended as Assange 
was finally released from London’s Belmarsh high-security prison. He flew to 
the Northern Mariana Islands and pleaded guilty to engaging in journalism in 
violation of the Espionage Act.

“Exposing government secrets and revealing them in the public interest is the 
core function of national security journalism. Today, for the first time, that 
activity was described in a guilty plea as a criminal conspiracy,” declared Ben 
Wizner, director of the ACLU’s Speech, Privacy, and Technology Project.

Assange was indicted during Trump’s first term. Attorney General Merrick 
Garland and the Biden Justice Department had a chance to heed the concerns of 
civil liberties, human rights, and press freedom groups and drop the charges. 
But the Biden administration sided with Trump officials like Jeff Sessions, 
Bill Barr, and Mike Pompeo, who had vengefully pursued the WikiLeaks founder, 
and bristled at reporters when questioned about the case.

FBI agents raided the home newsroom of Timothy Burke in 2023, and the following 
year, the Biden Justice Department charged Burke as an economic cybercriminal.

Burke’s crime, according to prosecutors, was that he “scoured” the internet for 
“electronic items and information” that were “deemed desirable” for news 
reporting. In particular, he obtained access to an unsecured stream that 
contained an uncut version of an interview Tucker Carlson conducted with rapper 
Kanye West for Fox News. (His trial was scheduled for June 2025.)

In Espionage Act prosecutions involving leaks, the Biden Justice Department 
continued the practice of treating the use of privacy tools, such as Tor or 
Tails, as evidence of criminal activity.

There were a few positive actions by the Biden administration. In 2021, the 
Commerce Department blacklisted the NSO Group, a Israeli spyware developer that 
was hired by countries like Bahrain, India, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab 
Emirates. The governments targeted journalists, human rights activists, and 
powerful regime opponents. Visa restrictions against individuals who “misused” 
commercial spyware were also imposed by the State Department in 2024.

In 2023, a National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) judge stood up to Starbucks 
and deemed it unlawful for the corporation to pursue “extensive” and “verbose” 
requests for records of communications between unionized workers and news media 
organizations.

Garland adopted changes to “news media guidelines” in October 2022 that were 
lauded by press freedom groups. As the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the 
Press (RCFP) described, for the first time, guidelines prohibited the Justice 
Department “from using subpoenas or other investigative tools against 
journalists who possess and publish classified information obtained in 
newsgathering, with only narrow exceptions.”

Refusing To Advocate For A Reporter’s Shield Law

The change to guidelines came in response to news reports that the Trump 
administration had secretly subpoenaed the communications records of reporters 
at CNN, the New York Times, and the Washington Post as part of retaliatory leak 
investigations aimed at identifying sources.

However, the Biden Justice Department continued Trump’s retaliation in 2021 
until the subpoenas became public. Officials even imposed a gag order against 
Times executives, which Times deputy general counsel David McCraw called 
“unprecedented.”

The Biden administration gave journalists the cold shoulder as a coalition of 
groups urged the administration multiple times to codify the change to news 
media guidelines and back the PRESS Act—a national reporter’s shield 
legislation.

In June 2021, White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki incuriously said, “I’d have 
to look into the specifics of the piece of legislation.” The legislation 
received no public support from the White House, and in December 2022, 
anti-press Republican Senator Tom Cotton successfully blocked the law.

The PRESS Act was reintroduced in 2023, and it passed in the House of 
Representatives in January 2024. The shield law languished in the Senate for 
months as Democrats did nothing to move the bill for a vote. In April 2024, 
when White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre was asked if Biden 
supported the PRESS Act, she uttered a platitude: “[J]ournalism is not a crime. 
We’ve been very clear about that.” But the White House refused to back 
legislation that would protect reporters from criminalization.

After Vice President Kamala Harris lost the presidential election to Trump, 
Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer and other Democrats suddenly recognized 
the need to pass the PRESS Act. However, it was too late. Trump came out 
against the shield law, Cotton blocked the bill (again), and the Biden White 
House maintained its silence.

Tempering Support For Press Freedom When Client States Repress Journalists

During a debate among Democratic presidential candidates in November 2019, 
candidate Biden pledged to make the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia “pay the price” for 
murdering Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi and make them “the pariah 
that they are.” Yet by 2023, as the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) 
outlined in their “Global Impunity Index,” Biden had embraced the Saudi kingdom 
and “stymied” justice for Khashoggi.

“The failure to pursue justice for Khashoggi, a U.S. permanent resident, 
signals to repressive regimes that even the most powerful Western democracies 
will temper their fervor for the protection of journalists if they perceive 
political and economic interests are at stake,” CPJ Director Robert Mahoney 
wrote.

“In November [2022], his administration went as far as to declare that the 
crown prince was shielded by sovereign immunity. That effectively killed a 
civil lawsuit filed in U.S. district court by Khashoggi’s fiancée, Hatice 
Cengiz, that sought to hold Mohammed bin Salman and two of his senior aides 
liable for the death.”

“Secure in the knowledge that Western governments would take no action against 
him,” Mahoney added, “Prince Mohammed set about rebranding himself as a 
tech-friendly millennial and political reformer.”

BBC India produced a documentary, “The Modi Question,” about Prime Minister 
Narendra Modi’s role in the 2002 Gujarat riots, which resulted in the death of 
over 1,000 people. In response, the Modi regime censored the film, and in 
February 2022, officials raided the BBC’s offices in New Delhi and Mumbai. 
“Documents and phones of several journalists were taken and the offices sealed.”

After the raid, Agence France-Presse journalist Shaun Tandon asked State 
Department spokesperson Ned Price for comment. Rather than unequivocally 
condemn what happened, Price suggested that Tandon direct his question to 
Indian authorities. Price then spoke about the “importance of freedom of 
expression, which led Tandon to followup. “[D]o you think that this action went 
against that spirit or the banning of the documentary?”

“I couldn’t say. I couldn’t say. We’re aware that these – we are aware of the 
fact of the searches, but I’m just not in a position to offer a judgement,” 
Price stammered.

On the same day that Indian authorities engaged in this act against BBC India, 
Biden had a phone call with Modi. Biden and Modi discussed a “historic 
agreement for Air India to purchase over 200 American-made aircraft from 
Boeing.”

Palestinian American journalist Shireen Abu Akleh, a correspondent for Al 
Jazeera, was killed by an Israeli sniper on May 11, 2022, when military forces 
opened fire on reporters who were covering a raid on a refugee camp in the 
occupied West Bank.

Akleh’s family demanded that the Biden administration support their efforts for 
justice, however, officials resisted calls for an independent investigation. In 
fact, the Biden administration sided with Israel and contended that Akleh was 
not “intentionally” killed.

After Israel launched an intense bombing campaign against Gaza in October 2023, 
Biden officials continued to whitewash or ignore attacks on freedom of the 
press by the Israeli government.

The Biden administration planned and authorized around $26 billion in arms 
shipments to Israel, which included weapons that were used to kill journalists. 
By January 18, 2024, at least 217 journalists had been killed, and many of them 
were specifically targeted by military forces.

According to the CPJ, in 2023, the Israeli government became one of the world’s 
worst jailers of journalists. That distinction continued in 2024 as the 
U.S.-backed government detained or imprisoned 43 journalists.

Journalists in Gaza were detained under a law that allowed for long periods of 
detention without charge and “limited access to legal counsel.” Several 
detained journalists were held in confinement because they “had contacted or 
interviewed people Israel wanted information about.” They were kept in “inhuman 
conditions” that included “frequent acts of severe, arbitrary violence; sexual 
assault; humiliation and degradation; [and] deliberate starvation,” according 
to Israeli human rights group B’Tselem.

The jailing of Palestinian journalists was symptomatic of a censorship regime 
that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and other Israeli officials enforced. 
Thousands of international correspondents were prohibited from entering Gaza, 
and Al Jazeera was shut down in Israel and the occupied West Bank.

In October 2024, the Israeli government attempted to prosecute Grayzone 
reporter Jeremy Loffredo for “aiding the enemy during wartime and providing 
information to the enemy.” All he had done is travel to the impact sites where 
Iranian missiles had landed and report on the damage that was done. He was 
eventually allowed to leave the country, but the Biden administration was 
extremely quiet as a U.S. journalist faced detention and potential prison time.

One year after the Israeli military launched its assault, according to the 
Palestinian Journalists Syndicate (PJS), Israeli forces had “destroyed all 
media institutions” in Gaza.” Airstrikes had “demolished 73 media facilities, 
including 21 local radio stations, 15 local and international news agencies, 15 
TV stations, 6 local newspapers, 3 broadcasting towers, 8 printing presses, and 
13 journalistic service institutions.”

“In the early days of the genocidal war on Gaza, the Israeli military targeted 
most of the high-rise buildings in Gaza that housed both local and 
international media offices. For example, the Al-Shawa and Al-Haseeri towers in 
Gaza City, which contained 15 floors of media offices, were completely 
destroyed by an Israeli airstrike on December 18, 2023, causing extensive 
damage to the surrounding area,” PJS additionally recalled.

Student journalists in the U.S. faced violence from police and so-called 
counter-protesters as they attempted to cover a groundswell of protests against 
Biden’s support for Israel’s assault on Gaza.

At Cal Poly Humboldt in California, a reporter named Adelmi Ruiz livestreamed 
the moment when police detained her for “interfering with a crime scene.” She 
told police that she was press, and it was her job to cover the police response 
to protesters. “Find a different job if this causes you to break the law,” an 
officer replied.

Such repression was representative of a rising crackdown in the U.S. against 
routine journalism, especially against reporters that attempted to cover 
protests or homeless encampments. Freedom of the Press Foundation U.S. Press 
Freedom Tracker documented in 2023 and 2024 how U.S. journalists were punished 
for “asking questions of public officials, publishing leaked information, and 
documenting breaking news in the field.”

The U.S. Congress, with the support of Biden, also banned TikTok in April 2024. 
Subsequently, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the law that banned the social 
media app.

As the Freedom of the Press Foundation warned, the law could be applied to 
“online news outlets based abroad, as long as they offer some kind of 
interactivity (for example, user comments).” The ACLU described the Supreme 
Court’s decision as a “disturbing precedent” and one that “increase[s] the risk 
that sweeping invocations of ‘national security’ will trump our constitutional 
rights.”

Despite staggering examples of the Biden administration’s role in making the 
U.S. and the world more unsafe for journalists, officials clung to their press 
freedom platitudes.

Secretary of State Antony Blinken in his farewell remarks to the press corps 
said he had a great appreciation for journalists who ask “tough questions” and 
hold officials like him to account. “Being on the receiving end, sometimes 
that’s not always the most comfortable thing; not always the most enjoyable 
thing. But it is the most necessary thing in our democracy.”

Yet as laudable as that may have sounded, Blinken had steered clear of the 
briefing room for a number of months. When he appeared, two credentialed 
reporters—Max Blumenthal and Sam Husseini—were tired of hearing speeches. They 
were fed up with spokespeople like Matthew Miller, who had smirked and berated 
reporters who confronted officials with important questions about Israel, which 
the State Department typically evaded or refused to answer.

Husseini claimed that Miller had “blackballed” him. He interrupted Blinken with 
two different questions before Miller had guards at the State Department drag 
Husseini out of the briefing room. Blumenthal was escorted out of the briefing 
room after he interrupted Blinken.

“Days before the inauguration of an anti-press President, the Biden 
administration handed Trump a gift by normalizing punishing journalists for 
asking questions officials don’t like,” declared Freedom of the Press 
Foundation advocacy director Seth Stern.

The moment was emblematic of Biden’s presidency when it came to press freedom. 
Biden officials supported journalists—except when it was politically 
inconvenient or they made officials look bad



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