Trump’s Revamped Muslim “Travel Ban” Has Another Target: Free Speech on Campus 
– Mother Jones


“We know—based on statements that have been made by Trump and others—that new 
provisions will be used to target pro-Palestine protesters.”
“Students are afraid of being labeled as terrorists, and now there’s more 
ammunition from this executive order to actually carry that out.” 


And then, tucked at the bottom, is a new provision that appears to explicitly 
single out new immigrants on ideological grounds—in particular, those on 
student visas who participate in protests against Israel’s war on Gaza.
It tells the secretary of state, attorney general, secretary of homeland 
security, and director of national intelligence to:


Recommend any actions necessary to protect the American people from the actions 
of foreign nationals who have undermined or seek to undermine the fundamental 
constitutional rights of the American people, including, but not limited to, 
our Citizens’ rights to freedom of speech and the free exercise of religion 
protected by the First Amendment, who preach or call for sectarian violence, 
the overthrow or replacement of the culture on which our constitutional 
Republic stands, or who provide aid, advocacy, or support for foreign 
terrorists.


Student protesters against the bombing of Gaza do not generally describe 
themselves as preaching sectarian violence or undermining the constitutional 
rights of the American people. But conservative organizations like the Heritage 
Foundation certainly have. Last summer, the foundation claimed the 
pro-Palestine student encampments were Iran- and Russia-funded front operations 
motivated by “anti-American animus.” In fact, throughout the presidential 
election, Republicans over and over branded antiwar protesters as supporters of 
terrorism. 

“They learned from their ‘mistakes’ the last time around,” legal scholar and 
University of Colorado associate professor Maryam Jamshidi told me of the new 
executive order. 

While the scope of the order is vague, Jamshidi said this language “seems 
clearly targeted to foreign nationals involved in pro-Palestine protests, in 
particular foreign students on visas.”

Republicans have been threatening to deport these students for months.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio pressed to deport “pro-Hamas” students as early 
as October 19, 2023—back when he was a US senator representing Florida and less 
than two weeks after the Hamas attack on Israel. In Rubio’s confirmation 
hearing for secretary of state last week, he said the US would “revoke the 
visas” of anyone determined to be a “supporter of Hamas.”

“We know—based on statements that have been made by Trump and others—that new 
provisions will be used to target pro-Palestine protesters,” Jamshidi said. 

In an October 2023 letter no longer available on Rubio’s Senate website, he 
calls on the Department of State to immediately work toward “identifying and 
deporting jihadist supporters.” Multiple pieces of legislation proposed the 
same idea last year. And since Trump’s election, members of the GOP have 
continued their calls for deportation as retribution against student 
protesters. (Notably, a leader of the extremist Zionist group Betar was quoted 
in the New York Post as using “facial recognition software” to create 
deportation lists on Trump’s behalf.) 

An ad hoc coalition of legal advocates has spent the past year and a half 
answering questions from worried students who fear they might be next on the 
list. Trump and his team have “made it pretty explicit that their white 
supremacist, Christian nationalist agenda is motivating a lot of their 
decisions,” said Lamya Agarwala, an attorney with the Council on 
American-Islamic Relations.

Agarwala has been hearing from noncitizen student activists and, she said, from 
Palestinian students who aren’t activists at all, but fear their nationality 
alone will be enough to place them under suspicion.  

“We see that this executive order claims to be about national security and 
public safety,” Agarwala said. But in practice, she sees it as “categorically 
attributing this idea of dangerousness to people who aren’t US citizens, to 
people who aren’t white, to people who don’t come from Christian-majority 
countries, and then using that as a basis to target them for exclusion from the 
United States—and for those who are already in the United States, attempting to 
remove them from the interior.” 

During Trump’s first term, internal US Immigration and Customs Enforcement 
documents revealed that his team, at one point, considered implementing 
ideological purity tests—before eventually deciding not to pursue the move 
because it was unconstitutional. Under US law, noncitizens have the right to 
free speech. “Once you’re in the United States, whatever your status is, the US 
Constitution then becomes a basis to protect you,” Jamshidi said.

Nonetheless, the exclusion of noncitizens based on perceived ideology or speech 
acts goes much further back than Trump: The McCarran Internal Security Act, 
passed in 1950, excluded anyone defined as a communist, totalitarian, or 
fascist from the United States. 

It’s a classic American “fearmongering tactic,” said Sadaf Hasan, a staff 
attorney at Muslim Advocates, a civil rights group formed in response to the 
passage of the Patriot Act. “Students are afraid of being labeled as 
terrorists, and now there’s more ammunition from this executive order to 
actually carry that out.” 




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