Yana Bondareva (Sotsialnyi Rukh, Ukraine): ‘Defending our country is part of 
the fight for social justice’ | Links
‘Defending our country is part of the fight for social justice’
Since the start of the full-scale war, many Sotsialnyi Rukh (SR, Social 
Movement) members have been involved in the armed defence of Ukraine against 
Russia’s imperialist aggression.

On November 21, SR announced that “around one million Ukrainian defenders and 
millions of members of their families are unfortunately often confronted with 
violations of their fundamental rights. We have therefore decided to join in 
their protection...

“A protocol of cooperation has been signed between Sotsialnyi Rukh and the NGO 
Fund for Social and Legal Support of Participants in Combat Operations. The aim 
of the cooperation is to provide free legal assistance to military personnel, 
veterans and members of their families in the form of a hotline.”

Yana Bondareva, an SR member in Kryvyï Rih, who is responsible for the 
telephone hotline to support soldiers and their families, was kind enough to 
answer questions about her organisation’s commitment to Ukraine’s military 
effort.

SR has set up a telephone hotline to support soldiers and their families. Why?

This initiative aims to support soldiers and their families facing social and 
legal difficulties. War puts a strain not only on soldiers, but also on their 
families, who may need help with administrative formalities, social issues, and 
so on.

The SR helpline can help. We provide legal advice on social guarantees, 
benefits, combatant status and employment rights; and social support for 
rehabilitation, adaptation to civilian life and interaction with government 
bodies.

A project like this is important because many veterans and their families face 
bureaucratic problems. A free telephone helpline can be a vital resource for 
them.

Do you receive a lot of calls? What type of questions or requests for help do 
you receive?

The helpline receives a lot of calls, which confirms the high demand for 
support from military personnel and their families. However, an even more 
extensive information campaign would considerably extend the reach of this 
service. Additional publicity in social media, the mass media, partner 
organisations and local communities would help to reach people who really need 
help but are not yet aware of this initiative.

We are often asked:
   
   - How do I obtain combatant status and what benefits are available?
   - Is it possible to appeal against a refusal to pay [social benefits] to 
military personnel or their families?
   - Problems relating to employment rights: redundancy, continued employment, 
payment [of salary] during service.
   - How to prepare documents correctly after an injury or disability?
   - Social support and reintegration
   - Where can I find a rehabilitation centre for military personnel or their 
families?
   - Are there any retraining and education programs for veterans?
   - How can I obtain financial assistance for the families of deceased 
military personnel?
   - What support programs exist for the children of military personnel?

Do you receive telephone calls from women soldiers? What are their problems?

Yes, we receive phone calls from female soldiers raising a wide range of 
issues, such as:
   
   - Leave for serving women: how to exercise your legal rights?
   - Taking maternity leave for serving women: what is the law?
   - Where can I find specialist medical care (gynaecologist, psychologist for 
military women)?
   - How can I return to civilian life after service and find a job?
   - Are there any support programmes for female veterans?

SR members have joined the army. Why did they choose to do this?

SR members joined the army because they believe that defending the country is 
part of the fight for social justice. They have always defended the rights of 
workers and citizens, and the war threatens all these gains.

Some of them started out as volunteers, but eventually decided to fight in the 
armed forces. On the front line, they not only defend the country, but also 
help their comrades solve social and legal problems. For them, it is a 
continuation of the fight for freedom, equality and dignity.

We recently learned that the director of the military academy in Lviv had been 
elected. We know that there is an association of LGBT+ soldiers in the 
Ukrainian army. There is also an association of women soldiers called 
Veteranka. Some soldiers publicly identify themselves as anarchists or 
socialists. Ukrainian servicemen and women still keep in touch with their 
unions, which support them. This is the situation in the Ukrainian army. How do 
you explain what I call “the enigma of the Ukrainian army”?

The “enigma of the Ukrainian army” is a combination of apparently contradictory 
phenomena: traditional military hierarchy and autonomous initiatives; 
discipline and ideological diversity; state institution and active role of 
grassroots organisations.

At the same time, Ukrainian soldiers are part of the structure of the army and 
actively shape their environments according to interests, ideologies and social 
groups. This is possible because Ukrainian society has historically developed 
horizontal ties and a tradition of self-organisation, which has also manifested 
itself in the army.

The support of trade unions and civil society organisations shows that the army 
is not isolated from society, but interacts with it and defends its rights. It 
is also important to note that many soldiers were activists in civilian life 
and therefore bring their values and networks of mutual support to the army.

Thus, the Ukrainian army is not just a state mechanism, but a living and 
socially active community that reflects the pluralism and democratic tendencies 
of society as a whole.

The question of the creation of unions for military personnel has been debated 
many times. What do you think about it?

The creation of unions for military personnel is an important step towards the 
protection of their rights and social guarantees. Military personnel have the 
right to be represented in matters of salaries, conditions of service and 
medical care. However, it is important that the unions do not violate military 
discipline and subordination. Overall, unions can be an effective tool for 
improving the situation of military personnel if they are properly organised.

In the West, many military personnel comment on the military situation. Their 
information often comes from the Americans. How do you analyse the military 
situation? Do you have your own Ukrainian sources of information?

To analyse the military situation, it is important to use different sources, 
including official Ukrainian news agencies and data from the front line. The 
comments of Western military officials are often important, but they do not 
always reflect the reality of events.

I have access to official information and resources, and I can refer to them to 
gather facts in order to carry out an objective analysis. However, it is 
important to remember that information can be different [depending on the 
source] in times of war and that it is always useful to compare sources to 
obtain more accurate analyses.

We are also surprised to see that soldiers are expressing themselves publicly 
in newspapers, for example. It is an important right of expression, 
particularly in times of war. How has the war transformed the Ukrainian army?

The war has considerably changed the Ukrainian army, making it more flexible 
and adapted to modern realities. During the conflict, the military began to 
actively express their thoughts and feelings, which has become an important 
part of their personal expression. This right to public expression allows 
soldiers to share their experiences, engage the civilian public on important 
issues and boost troop morale.

At the same time, these statements emphasise the change in attitude towards the 
military: they are not just executors, but also active participants in the 
social and political life of the country.

What are the political consequences for SR of this involvement in military 
issues? In my opinion, SR has acquired skills in the military field (compared 
to the Western left). Based on your concrete experience, can we talk about the 
beginnings of an alternative approach to the military issue?

SR’s involvement in military matters has political implications. This allows 
the organisation not only to participate in social and human rights 
initiatives, but also to influence important issues related to war and 
security. In contrast to the Western left, which often focuses on peaceful 
initiatives and criticism of military structures, SR demonstrates a willingness 
to work with the army in times of war, while maintaining ideas of social 
justice, anti-war positions and support for the rights of military personnel.

Based on the experience of the movement, we can talk about the construction of 
an alternative model for addressing military issues that combines social, 
humanitarian and human rights aspects. The aim is to create an environment in 
which soldiers can defend their rights and interests without violating military 
discipline and standards. In this way, SR is developing a model that could 
become an important alternative to the traditional approach to military issues, 
by combining social and military interests.

Finally, there is the question of the collective security system in Europe and 
the question of NATO. How do you see these complex issues concerning the future 
of Ukraine and Europe?

Ukraine, given its geopolitical situation and its experience of armed conflict, 
has a strategic interest in strengthening its security through international 
alliances. NATO can become a powerful guarantor of security for Ukraine, as it 
will enable it to integrate into a common collective defence system, reduce the 
threats from aggressive neighbours and ensure stability in the region.

However, this is a complex issue and requires internal and external factors to 
be taken into account. At the same time, NATO’s enlargement to the east may be 
perceived ambiguously in some countries, which entails political and strategic 
risks. For Ukraine, it is important not only to preserve its right to choose 
its security alliances, but also to ensure that it strengthens its own defence 
capabilities and supports its European partners in strengthening stability in 
the region.

In the long term, the key for Ukraine and Europe is to balance integration into 
international organisations and to preserve common internal security, taking 
into account the changing geopolitical environment.

Yana Bondareva (Sotsialnyi Rukh, Ukraine)

Ukraine: I’ve heard this before - Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières
Ukraine: I’ve heard this before
Stories that Volodymyr Zelensky is a modestly successful comedian, that he has 
no support inside the country, that time is running out, that Ukraine exists 
only because of American aid, and most importantly – that Ukraine should never 
have started the war (compare to “Russia doesn’t start wars” Russian propaganda 
narrative), that we should have negotiated from the very beginning instead of 
fighting, and that Ukraine is to blame for everything – I heard all of this 
long before Donald Trump voiced it. These were things told to me by Russian 
interrogators and local collaborator guards when I was in Russian captivity, 
particularly in the Luhansk prison. The full set was mostly voiced by officers 
of either the FSB (Russian Federal Security Service) or military 
counterintelligence (no one, of course, introduced themselves during 
interrogations). They didn’t yet speak of Zelensky’s illegitimacy or the lack 
of elections – it was still the hot summer of 2022, and it was too early for 
such narratives to emerge: Russian TV would begin spreading them only in about 
a year and a half. These Russian occupiers and their collaborator accomplices 
voiced another idea that was missing in Trump’s verbal flow: that Ukraine is 
nothing more than a puppet of the United States, that Kyiv does everything 
Washington wants because it is completely dependent on it. No wonder Trump 
didn’t mention this point: because the latest developments, particularly 
regarding the deal for Ukrainian rare minerals extraction, showed even to those 
who held this view that this was far from the truth.
I think it is precisely due to the fact that this idea of the occupiers was not 
confirmed, the newly elected U.S. President became so irritated. Clearly, not 
believing in the will, initiative, and agency of Ukrainians (just as of any 
other people), he unexpectedly encountered the fact that these supposedly 
obedient Ukrainian subjects in distant savage lands – are neither obedient nor 
subjects, and for some reason refuse to accept the rules of the game devised 
right at the playing field and imposed through blackmail – because those rules 
are obviously, glaringly unjust. This is something Trump and Putin have in 
common: both do not believe in the agency of peoples and collectives, seeing 
them only as inert masses, herds to be manipulated and controlled – since they 
are driven by primitive instincts, and there is always a risk that someone will 
take the initiative and manipulate them better. In fact, for Putin, Ukraine is 
an instrument that should be held in the claws of the two-headed Russian 
imperial eagle, but instead, the West grabbed it; and one of the goals of the 
current war is to take it back. The fact that this “instrument” suddenly had 
its own will, desires, and aspirations, and even the ability to resist, 
infuriates the Kremlin, because it does not fit into the worldview of the 
“Russian world”, “Pax Russica”. And both the guards and especially the Russians 
in their conversations were still surprised, and sometimes enraged, by the fact 
that Ukraine had the Maidan uprising (of 2013-2014) – and the majority of 
Ukrainian prisoners of war, POWs, did not intend to recognize it as a mistake 
or failure, but defended it as an act of free choice, expression of will, and 
the manifestation of dignity.
On the 11th anniversary of the day when most of the Heavenly Hundred (Ukrainian 
Maidan protesters, who paid for freedom of Ukrainians with their lives) were 
killed by the that-time government’s special forces, these two autocrats, with 
their contempt for the will and aspirations of nations and individuals (unless 
those individuals are themselves), openly showed the world how much they have 
in common. The President of the United States, the highest official of the 
country – the former greatest ally of Ukraine in its defensive and liberatory 
war against Russian invaders: publicly accused those who were attacked of 
aggression; condemned those defending themselves from Russian violence for 
trying to protect themselves; and handed over all the initiative in peace 
negotiations to his counterpart with a similar worldview, a war criminal, and 
the ruler of the Russian Empire. For someone with my experience as a former 
POW, he did this in the style of a modestly successfully trained officer of 
Russian law enforcement agencies, such as the FSB, Investigative Committee, or 
the Russian Federal Penitentiary Service. Never before, probably, has the 
language of Russian law enforcement sounded from such a high platform and been 
broadcast worldwide. If you’ve been lucky enough not to be in Russian captivity 
(yet), but unfortunate enough to have poor information hygiene, being familiar 
with Russian TV, you’ll probably find a different analogy. The text voiced by 
Trump literally echoes the narratives of Russian propaganda: from the mouth of 
the President of the United States, Donald Trump, speaks Russian propagandist 
Olga Skabeeva, or one of her colleagues. However, the audience of this special 
edition of “60 Minutes” (a propaganda TV show featuring Skabeeva) was the whole 
world. I doubt the Kremlin, which generously pays its propagandists to support 
and expand Russia’s genocidal war against the Ukrainian people, will have the 
budget for its new American mouthpiece. It is hard to believe that Trump, who 
is most interested in discussing money, decided to volunteer for Simonyan (the 
chief Kremlin propagandist); his interest will likely become clear later.
I don’t know how this looks for American voters – while not only for them, but 
for all of us, we will have to get used to the idea that the man they’ve put in 
the seat of the world’s greatest power leader, speaks either like a Russian law 
enforcement officer or like a Russian propagandist. There is a certain distance 
between words and actions, but it is shrinking more and more. If the President 
of the United States switches from merely speaking to acting accordingly – we 
will find that on the opposite side of the Maidan barricades we have set up in 
our vision of the world while defending our freedom, our adversary, the Russian 
Moloch, will be joined by the American Baal. Let’s hope that this doesn’t 
happen, though the process has already begun: with Trump’s input, world media 
are already discussing who really started Russia’s war against Ukraine, whether 
Ukraine could have made peace at the very beginning of the war, and whether a 
democratically elected president of Ukraine is a dictator. The devil’s work 
(because we remember who is the father of lies, especially such blatant and 
large-scale ones) is in full swing. All we have left, just as 11 years ago, is 
to remember who we are, what we are fighting for, to believe in our values, 
meanings, and in those who give us the strength to continue this struggle 
(people and/or God, depending on who is relevant for you), to put hope in them, 
and to love them and each other, protecting this love and what matters. We have 
no better option, and we never will.
Maksym ’Moses’ Butkevych


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