https://www.hrw.org/report/2019/10/31/theyve-shot-many/abusive-night-raids-cia-backed-afghan-strike-forces

*Summary*

Through much of 2019, the United States government and Taliban insurgents were 
engaged in negotiations toward an agreement that could lead to the eventual 
withdrawal of US forces in Afghanistan. Those negotiations officially halted, 
at least temporarily, on September 7, 2019. In the absence of a larger 
political settlement, any agreement between the US and Taliban would not end 
the armed conflict between the Afghan government and the Taliban, nor resolve a 
range of conflicts that have fueled fighting among various Afghan factions for 
over four decades. If there is a political settlement, the kind of Afghan 
government that emerges, the structure of the country’s defense forces, and the 
extent to which existing militia and insurgent forces demobilize and disarm 
will all be critically important.

One glaring omission in the negotiations so far has been discussion of the 
future of clandestine Afghan forces operating as part of the covert operations 
of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in Afghanistan, with ground support 
from US special forces seconded to the CIA and air support from the US 
military, including intelligence and surveillance in the identification of 
targets. A number of US military officials have sought to retain these Afghan 
paramilitary forces in Afghanistan as a bulwark against Al-Qaeda and the 
Islamic State (also known as ISIS). These troops include Afghan strike forces 
who have been responsible for extrajudicial executions and enforced 
disappearances, indiscriminate airstrikes, attacks on medical facilities, and 
other violations of international humanitarian law, or the laws of war.
Among the recent cases Human Rights Watch has documented:

* In March 2018, Afghan paramilitary forces raided the home of a staff member 
of an Afghan nongovernmental organization (NGO). The forces arrived late at 
night at the family compound and separated the women from the men. They singled 
out the staff member’s brother and took him to another part of the house. They 
shot him, leaving the body, and left with another male family member, whom the 
government later denied holding.
* In October 2018, an Afghan paramilitary force unit raided a home in the Rodat 
district of Nangarhar province, shooting dead five civilian members of one 
family, including an elderly woman and child.
* In December 2018, the Khost Protection Force fatally shot six civilians 
during a night search operation in Paktia province. They shot Naim Faruqi, a 
60-year-old tribal elder and provincial peace council member, in the eye, and 
his nephew, a student in his 20s, in the mouth.

These are not isolated cases. This report documents 14 cases in which 
CIA-backed Afghan strike forces committed serious abuses between late 2017 and 
mid-2019. They are illustrative of a larger pattern of serious laws-of-war 
violations—some amounting to war crimes—that extends to all provinces in 
Afghanistan where these paramilitary forces operate with impunity.

In the course of researching this report, Afghan officials, civil society and 
human rights activists, Afghan and foreign healthcare workers, journalists, and 
community elders all described abusive raids and indiscriminate airstrikes as 
having become a daily fact of life for many communities—often with devastating 
consequences. Speaking to Human Rights Watch, one diplomat familiar with Afghan 
strike force operations referred to them as “death squads.”

Afghan paramilitary forces nominally belong to the Afghan National Directorate 
of Security (NDS), the country’s primary intelligence agency. However, these 
forces do not fall under the ordinary chain of command within the NDS, nor 
under normal Afghan or US military chains of command. They largely have been 
recruited, trained, equipped, and overseen by the CIA. They often have US 
special forces personnel deployed alongside them during kill-or-capture 
operations; these US forces, primarily Army Rangers, have been seconded to the 
CIA. Afghan paramilitary strike forces generally carry out operations with US 
logistical support and are dependent on US intelligence and surveillance for 
targeting.

Search operations in Afghan villages to “kill or capture” insurgents conducted 
at night (“night raids”) have long raised controversy in Afghanistan because 
they frequently harm civilians and civilian property. Nonetheless, there has 
been a sharp increase in these operations since late 2017.

In 2017, in a departure from previous policy, the US authorized Afghan special 
forces, including these paramilitary units, to call in airstrikes for support 
even without US forces present to identify the targets. Changes to targeting 
directives have meant that airstrikes are hitting more residential buildings, 
while a decreased US ground presence and a reliance on local Afghan 
intelligence sources has meant there is less information available about the 
possible presence of civilians in those buildings.
Taliban forces have frequently committed violations of the laws of war and 
human rights abuses, including indiscriminate attacks that have killed and 
injured civilians, as well as using civilians as shields. Afghan National 
Defense and Security Force (ANDSF) officials and their US counterparts contend 
that night raids backed by air operations are necessary in a war in which 
insurgent forces deploy among the civilian population. But Taliban forces 
unlawfully putting civilians at risk does not justify Afghan and US military 
operations that cause indiscriminate or disproportionate loss of civilian life, 
nor attacks on medical facilities. The deliberate killing of civilians or 
combatants in custody is never lawful.

In many of the night raids that Human Rights Watch investigated, Afghan 
paramilitary forces seem to have unlawfully targeted civilians because of 
mistaken identity, poor intelligence, or political rivalries in the locality.

*Faulty Intelligence*

In many cases, paramilitary units apparently targeted houses for night raids or 
airstrikes based on intelligence that family members had provided food to 
Taliban or ISIS insurgents (often under duress); were nearby when insurgents 
carried out attacks on government forces; or may have had political or tribal 
links that made them susceptible to local rivalries and false accusations of 
links with insurgent groups.

*Guilt by Association*

In some cases, these paramilitary forces targeted medical staff working in 
clinics in contested or Taliban-controlled areas because they treated wounded 
insurgents. Civilians in these areas also described living in fear that the 
near constant presence of drones, aircraft, and helicopters searching for 
insurgents who live in their villages left them vulnerable to being targeted at 
any time as fighters.

*Willful Violation of the Law*

In many cases, paramilitary strike forces summarily executed persons taken into 
custody or forcibly disappeared them, not telling their families about their 
fate or whereabouts. In none of the cases Human Rights Watch investigated did 
the civilians who were killed offer resistance or act in any way that justified 
the use of force.

*Failure to Investigate*

Under the laws of war, the government has an obligation to investigate alleged 
war crimes by its forces and appropriately prosecute those responsible. Neither 
the Afghan military nor the government has developed any meaningful capacity to 
investigate possible violations arising from their military operations, despite 
years of training by the US and others. They lack both the capacity and the 
political will to investigate incidents involving these CIA-backed paramilitary 
forces.

In the very few cases in which the Afghan government has promised to 
investigate incidents, no findings have been made public. We are unaware of any 
cases in which those responsible for serious crimes, including murder, have 
been held to account, nor have the victims been able to obtain redress. Foreign 
forces taking part in military operations are also obligated to investigate 
alleged wrongdoing. As a matter of policy, the US military does not respond to 
questions about clandestine operations.

At their core, the behavior of these Afghan paramilitary forces reflects the 
propensity of the US and Afghan governments to prioritize short-term military 
fixes over long-term reforms that would promote security and the rule of law. 
As these forces commit serious abuses without accountability, they foster an 
environment that contributes to, rather than reduces, general lawlessness and 
distrust of the government in the areas in which they deploy.

Even though the paramilitary strike forces operate outside of the usual Afghan 
military chain of command and have repeatedly been involved in rights abuses, 
official calls to preserve them remain strong. Ultimately, the strike forces 
are just the latest manifestation of US and Afghan government attempts since 
2001 to unleash forces largely unbound by the laws of war in a 
counterproductive approach to combatting insurgency, from the Taliban to 
Al-Qaeda to ISIS. Rather than bringing stability to Afghanistan, they have 
undermined Afghan institutions and put many Afghans at risk.


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