The US government’s January 3 military assault on Venezuela and kidnapping of 
then President Nicolás Maduro and National Assembly deputy Cilia Flores, sent 
shockwaves through the region. It has also sparked intense discussions about 
why and how it was able to occur, what the new Delcy Rodríguez government 
represents and what it all means for Venezuelan sovereignty.

To discuss these questions and more, Federico Fuentes, from LINKS International 
Journal of Socialist Renewal ( https://links.org.au/ ) , spoke to Malfred 
Gerig, a sociologist from the Universidad Central de Venezuela (Central 
University of Venezuela) and author of La Larga Depresión venezolana: Economía 
política del auge y caída del siglo petrolero ( 
https://cedesve.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/La-Larga-Depresion-venezolana-VERSION-FINAL.pdf
 ) (Venezuela’s Long Depression: Political economy of the rise and fall of the 
oil century).

*How do you interpret the US military actions that, after deploying warships 
throughout the Caribbean for several months, culminated in a military assault 
on Caracas and Maduro and Flores’ kidnapping? Is this simply about gaining 
control of Venezuela’s oil?*

Obviously, the military intervention relates to oil, because everything 
concerning Venezuela relates to oil. But it is a bit more complex, because two 
things converged: the Venezuelan crisis and Trump’s foreign policy. Venezuela’s 
long depression, the political crisis, and the externalisation of national 
politics by the political class — both the Madurista (Maduro-aligned) ruling 
elite and the opposition elite — ultimately led to an externalisation of their 
conflict. The weakening, over so many years, of the sources of national power — 
economic, political, institutional, military, and cultural — resulted in the 
most humiliating political and military episode ever in the country’s history 
as a republic.

This weakening of the Venezuelan nation made it appealing for Trump to 
intervene. First, because he was acting against a government with no social 
support base, and lacking any rational or legal legitimacy. The US knew the 
Venezuelan people would not defend Maduro, and this weighed heavily in their 
decision. They intervened against an unpopular head of state with no democratic 
legitimacy.

Second, because the country’s political institutions were utterly illegitimate 
in legal terms and severely weakened in their capacity to wield real power — as 
shown by the reaction to the military operation. And third, because the Maduro 
government, being weak and having undermined national power over many years to 
cling to power for its own sake, was an easy target for the US to begin 
leveraging its entire foreign policy toward Latin America.

We can add that the Venezuelan political class doubled down on externalising 
the conflict, believing Trump would arbitrate in good faith in favour of one of 
the parties without later demanding a tribute. There we see the moral, ethical 
and, above all, strategic character of the various factions of the Venezuelan 
political class. If responsibility must be assigned to the catastrophic outcome 
of this systemic crisis, it is precisely the Venezuelan political class, both 
the Maduristas and the opposition, who must be blamed.

This weakening of the nation was exploited by the “foreign sentinel," which now 
seeks to leverage economic and political advantage. They will find a way to 
make Venezuela pay tribute — because that is the word that best describes the 
situation, Venezuela is tributing [paying as an acknowledgment of submission]. 
Venezuela will pay dearly for this weakening of the nation and the errors of 
its political class.

Here, oil is crucial to US plans to profit from its intervention through the 
payment of imperial tribute. The Venezuelan people will unfortunately pay 
dearly, in the face of territorialism and Trumpian neo-mercantilism, for our 
inability to resolve the overall state crisis on our own. We will pay with oil, 
but also with dependency and a loss of popular and national sovereignty over 
our immediate future.

Continue reading at 
https://links.org.au/us-imperialism-maduroismo-without-maduro-and-venezuelan-sovereignty-after-january-3


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