excerpt - After the rout of Mondale in 1984, who ran a listless and
confused campaign against the Reagan machine, the powerbrokers of the
Democratic Party decided to reshape the party in Reagan’s image. The DLC
was born, a reactionary movement within the Democratic Party led by the
likes of Al Gore, Bill Clinton and Joe Biden that pushed for a retreat from
the New Deal and Great Society programs that had defined, in theory if not
in practice, the party for the previous five decades, replacing it with
neoliberal austerity economics, corporate-driven slashing of regulations,
gutting the social safety net and a more belligerent foreign policy.

The Party leadership reconfigured the primary process so that they could
engineer wins for party favorites and stifle insurgent candidates, like
Eugene McCarthy, Jerry Brown, Jackson and Gary Hart, before their campaigns
caught fire. One of the innovations was Super Tuesday, frontloading a host
of primaries early in the race, making it nearly impossible for grassroots
campaigns to spend much (or any) time in each state. But Jackson shocked
the establishment by winning five states (Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana,
Mississippi, and Virginia) and coming in second in Florida, Hawaii,
Maryland, Missouri, North Carolina, Tennessee, Texas, and Washington. He
beat Gore in the South and Gephardt all over the place, except his home
state of Missouri.

In March 1988, a poll showed Jackson leading the Democratic field of big
shots, whose pockets were flush with corporate campaign cash. This sent
shivers through the party elites, who coalesced to derail his campaign,
just as they would Bernie Sanders’s two decades later. Gephardt, Gore and
the others obediently dropped out, engineering a Dukakis primary victory.
But leaving the Party with a candidate so uninspiring that he would lose to
the equally uninspiring George Bush. It could have been different.

The spirit of Jackson’s ‘88 campaign would only resurface again in 2016
with Bernie’s campaign, but Jesse had built a multi-racial/ethnic campaign
aimed at poor and working-class people that Bernie, for whatever reason,
couldn’t replicate. Still, the Democrats’ strategy for rigging the
primaries and personal demonization remained much the same. If the party
had changed in the intervening 18 years, it was only for the worse.

Jackson seemed lost during the Clinton years, a cautious critic, as Clinton
and his neoliberal ur-DOGE crew slashed social welfare programs for the
poor, incarcerated blacks, terrorized Haitians and reinstituted a Bracero
system for migrant farmworkers. He should have challenged Clinton in ’96,
either in the primaries (as The Nation urged) or as a Green. But Jackson
just couldn’t shake off the Democratic Party, believing, wrongly, that it
could be revolutionized from within. (Of course, Bernie Sanders has shown
the same perverse allegiance to the Democratic Party and he’s never
identified himself as a member.)

I remember the tears streaming down Jackson’s face as he stood on the steps
of the Capitol in Springfield, Illinois, the night Obama defeated McCain.
The tears were authentic and it was a genuinely moving sight. But he was
probably crying very different kinds of tears a few months later as Obama
morphed into a hipper version of Hillary Clinton and professed his
admiration for Ronald Reagan as a “transformative figure” in American
politics.

full -
https://www.counterpunch.org/2026/02/20/up-down-and-around-with-jesse-jackson/


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