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bismi-lLahi-rRahmani-rRahiem
In the Name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful


=== News Update ===

August 31, 2006

The Kurds and the KGB - The secret history of the Barzani dynasty

by Dr. Kamal Said Qadir


In the past, Kurds is a lackey of Uni Soviet, today they are a puppet of 
America and Israel to destroy Iraq Muslim. Shame on you, Kurds!!!

Mustafa Barzani, the legendary Kurdish leader, was a KGB agent code-named 
"RAIS," and the Kurdish armed 
<http://www.kurdmedia.com/articles.asp?id=12755>revolution he started Sept. 
11, 1961, was in reality a <http://www.fas.org/irp/world/russia/kgb/>KGB 
covert action to destabilize Western interests in the Middle East and put 
additional pressure on the Kassim government of Iraq.

Whoever dares to mention these facts publicly in 
<http://www.krg.org/>Kurdistan would face an unknown fate, possibly forced 
disappearance or even murder by sophisticated means, and the whole story of 
KGB-Barzani ties would be dismissed as reckless defamation by the ruling 
<http://www.thenewanatolian.com/opinion-6323.html>Barzani family.

Unfortunately for the Barzani family, these facts are not the creation of 
some individuals, but the contents of KGB documents that recently became 
accessible to scholars and the public, or found their way to the West with 
defected KGB officers after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

This paper relies on two main documentary sources on KGB-Barzani ties. The 
first is the archive of the 
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Central_Committee_of_the_CPSU>Central 
Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which also contains 
the correspondence between the KGB and the Central Committee. The most 
important documents mentioned in this article go back to 1961, the peak of 
the Cold War.

The second source is the so-called 
<http://www.fas.org/irp/world/uk/docs/991021.htm>Mitrokhin archive, which 
was smuggled to the West by the defected KGB officer Vasili Mitrokhin after 
the collapse of the Soviet Union.

In addition to the KGB archive, this paper also relies on the memoirs 
written by former KGB officers, which refer to Barzani and the Kurdish 
conflict. These include the memoirs of the former KGB Maj. Gen. Pavel 
Sudoplatov, who was the head of the 
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SMERSH>SMERSH, a special department within 
the Soviet security services responsible for special operations broad.

Some scholars have conducted valuable research on KGB history using 
publicly accessible KGB archives. The most important research paper I was 
able to find in this regard was delivered by Vladislav M. Zubok, a visiting 
scholar of the National Security Archive in Washington, D.C., and can be 
found 
<http://www.wilsoncenter.org/index.cfm?topic_id=1409&fuseaction=library.document&id=278>here.

The aim of the current paper on Barzani-KGB ties is simply the search for 
the truth in the public interest. The Barzani family has established a 
brutal and corrupt feudal political system in Iraqi Kurdistan under the 
pretext that they led the Kurdish revolution. It is time to tell them the 
truth and remind them that the Kurds are freedom-loving people and will 
never accept feudal rule. The Barzani family has misused the trust of 
Kurdish people and become increasingly oligarchic, with the aim of 
self-enrichment by illegal means and a monopoly on political power. Murder, 
torture, abductions, and intimidation are among the main methods the family 
uses to silence its opponents.

My own <http://www.antiwar.com/glantz/?articleid=8351>abduction by the 
<http://home.cogeco.ca/%7Ekonews/4-12-02-k-sinjari-kurds-know-more-thatn-irq-spying.html>Parastin,
 
the secret service of the Barzani family, on Oct. 26, 2005, in Arbil, 
Kurdistan, for publishing some articles criticizing the corrupt rule of the 
Barzanis, and my subsequent release under international pressure, are 
further evidence that the arbitrary power of the family is decreasing.

The great international support for my case was based on the recognition 
that the truth should not be silenced.

Therefore, I see it as my duty to continue searching for the truth.


Barzani and the KGB, Old Friends

After the collapse of the Kurdish republic of 
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Republic_of_Mahabad>Mahabad in December 1946, 
<http://old.krg.org/reference/culture/bar_remem.asp>Mustafa Barzani made 
his way to the Soviet border with several hundred of his men. After 
arriving in the Soviet Union, he received much attention from the Soviet 
leadership and security services, who wanted to use the Kurds for their own 
ends.

The first period of Barzani's political activities in the Soviet Union 
would have probably remained secret without the memoirs of the KGB's 
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pavel_Sudoplatov>Sudoplatov, who later became 
the head of the SMERSH. Sudoplatov writes that he had met Barzani for the 
first time in Baku, shortly after Barzani's arrival in the Soviet Union in 
1947, with the aim of using him to destabilize Western interests in the 
Middle East. Barzani and his men were to receive arms and military training 
in order to be sent back to Iraq for this purpose, according to Sudoplatov.

Barzani must have been of extraordinary importance to the Soviets to be 
cultivated by Sudoplatov, one of the most important figures within the 
security services. Sudoplatov mentions in his 
<http://users.cyberone.com.au/myers/sudoplat.html>memoirs that he was 
responsible for the assassination of Trotsky on Stalin's order, and for the 
atomic espionage that led to the building of the Soviet atom bomb.

That Sudoplatov led negotiations with Barzani is evidence of the great 
expectations the Soviet leadership had for Barzani. But Sudoplatov was 
apparently not the only Soviet officer to deal with Barzani, as Sudoplatov 
mentions other officers who succeeded him in dealing with Barzani. 
Sudoplatov met Barzani for the second time in 1952 to negotiate with him on 
military training, but doesn't mention any agreement reached between them. 
He met Barzani again in 1953 at a military academy in Moscow, where both of 
them underwent military training. Barzani was apparently being prepared for 
a special task abroad.

Sudoplatov reveals in his memoirs that Barzani told him then that the ties 
between his family and Russia were a hundred years old and that his family 
had appealed to Russia for help before and received arms and ammunition 
from Russia 60 times. There are indeed other confidential reports on a 
visit to Russia made by Sheikh Abdul Salam, the sheikh of Barzan, before 
the First World War, though I know of no other Barzani-Russian ties before 
WWI.

The nature of relations between Mustafa Barzani and the Soviets during the 
period of 1947-1958 has remained until now largely secret, with the 
exception of the Sudoplatov memoirs. The Mitrokhin archive and the publicly 
accessible KGB archive make no mention of this period, but do deliver 
essential information on Barzani-KGB ties after 1958.

 From the Mitrokhin archive we learn that the KGB gave Barzani the code 
name "RAIS," and both the Mitrokhin and the KGB archives of the Central 
Committee of the CPSU reveal the big secret behind the Kurdish revolution 
of September 1961 led by Barzani. According to these archives, this was not 
a real revolution but a covert action by the KGB to destabilize Western 
interests in the Middle East.

<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Aleksandr_Nikolayevich_Shelepin>Aleksandr 
Shelepin, KGB chief in the 1960s, in 1961 sent a memorandum to 
<http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/kbank/profiles/khrushchev/>Nikita 
Khrushchev containing plans "to cause uncertainty in government circles of 
the USA, England, Turkey, and Iran about the stability of their positions 
in the Middle and Near East." He offered to use old KGB connections with 
the chairman of the Democratic Party of Kurdistan, Mustafa Barzani, "to 
activate the movement of the Kurdish population of Iraq, Iran, and Turkey 
for creation of an independent Kurdistan that would include the provinces 
of the aforementioned countries." Barzani was to be provided with the 
necessary aid in arms and money. "Given propitious developments," noted 
Shelepin with foresight, "it would become advisable to express the 
solidarity of the Soviet people with this movement of the Kurds."

"The movement for the creation of Kurdistan," he predicted, "will evoke 
serious concern among Western powers and first of all in England regarding 
[their access to] oil in Iraq and Iran, and in the United States regarding 
its military bases in Turkey. All that will create also difficulties for 
[Iraqi Prime Minister Gen. Abdul Karim] 
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Abdul_Karim_Qassim>KASSIM who has begun to 
conduct a pro-Western policy, especially in recent time." Shelepin also 
proposed an initiative to entice Egyptian President 
<http://www.cnn.com/SPECIALS/cold.war/kbank/profiles/nasser/>Gamal Abdel 
Nasser, a Third World leader avidly courted by both East and West, into 
throwing his support behind the Kurds. Shelepin suggested informing Nasser 
"through unofficial channels" that, in the event of a Kurdish victory, 
Moscow "might take a benign look at the integration of the non-Kurdish part 
of Iraqi territory with the UAR" – the 
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_Arab_Republic>United Arab Republic, a 
short-lived union of Egypt and Syria reflecting Nasser's pan-Arab 
nationalism – "on the condition of NASSER's support for the creation of an 
independent Kurdistan." (Shelepin to Khrushchev, July 29, 1961, in 
St.-191/75gc, Aug. 1, 1961, TsKhSD, fond 4, opis 13, delo 81, ll. 131-32 
[see Zubok, 21])

When a Kurdish rebellion indeed broke out in Iraqi Kurdistan in September 
1961, the KGB quickly responded with additional proposals to exploit the 
situation. KGB Deputy Chairman 
<http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9900E6D91539F93BA15753C1A962948260>Peter
 
Ivashutin proposed – "In accord with the decision of the CC CPSU … of 1 
August 1961 on the implementation of measures favoring the distraction of 
the attention and forces of the USA and her allies from West Berlin, and in 
view of the armed uprisings of the Kurdish tribes that have begun in the 
North of Iraq" – to:
    * use the KGB to organize pro-Kurdish and anti-Kassim protests in 
India, Indonesia, Afghanistan, Guinea, and other countries;
    * have the KGB meet with Barzani to urge him to "seize the leadership 
of the Kurdish movement in his hands and to lead it along the democratic 
road," and to advise him to "keep a low profile in the course of this 
activity so that the West did not have a pretext to blame the USSR in 
meddling into the internal affairs of Iraq"; and
    * assign the KGB to recruit and train a "special armed detachment 
(500-700 men)" drawn from Kurds living in the USSR in the event that Moscow 
might need to send Barzani "various military experts (Artillerymen, radio 
operators, demolition squads, etc.)" to support the Kurdish uprising. ( P. 
Ivashutin to CC CPSU, Sept. 27, 1961, St.-199/10c, Oct. 3, 1961, TsKhSD, 
fond 4, opis 13, delo 85, ll. 1-4 [see Zubok, 21])

What Ivashutin did not know was that the West already had information on 
Barzani's special ties with the Soviet Union. U.S. officials had noted with 
concern the possibility "that Barzani might be useful to Moscow." In an 
October 1958 cable to the State Department, three months after a military 
coup brought Kassim to power, the U.S. ambassador to Iraq, Waldemar J. 
Gallman, stated that "Communists also have potential for attack [on Iraqi 
Prime Minister Kassim] on another point through returned Kurdish leader 
Mulla Mustafa Barzani. He spent last eleven years in exile in Soviet Union. 
His appeal to majority of Iraqi Kurds is strong and his ability [to] 
disrupt stability almost endless. Thus we believe that today greatest 
potential threat to stability and even existence of Qassim's [Kassim's] 
regime lies in hands of Communists." (Gallman to Department of State, Oct. 
14, 1958, in U.S. Department of State, Foreign Relations of the United 
States, 1958-1960, Vol. XII, Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 
1993, pp. 344-46 [see Zubok, 21])

Thus did the Kurdish conflict become an instrument in the hands of Moscow 
to exercise pressure on successive Iraqi regimes. According to the 
Mitrokhin archive, the KGB sent 
<http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Yevgeny_Primakov>Yevgeny Primakov, code-named 
"MAKS," to Iraq in the 1960s under the cover of a journalist. Primakov was 
to later play a leading role in Kurdish affairs, especially in the 
conclusion of the autonomy agreement between the Kurdistan Democratic Party 
and the Iraqi regime in March 1970. The Ba'athists had to accept the Soviet 
conditions in return for the mediation, since the Iraqi army was completely 
exhausted from fighting with the Kurds. The Iraqi regime had to ease 
pressure on the Iraqi Communist Party and establish close ties with the 
Soviet Union.

After the March agreement, the Iraqi regime gained strength with Soviet 
support and began to obstruct the implementation of the March agreement. 
And the Soviet Union, having successfully used the Kurdish card to 
influence Iraqi foreign policy, turned its back on the Kurds. Barzani in 
turn moved closer to the <https://www.cia.gov/>CIA, 
<http://www.mossad.gov.il/Mohr/MohrTopNav/MohrEnglish/MohrAboutUs/>Mossad, 
and <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SAVAK>Savak. The Iraqi-Soviet honeymoon 
lasted until the collapse of the Kurdish uprising after it was betrayed by 
its Western allies and Iran in 1975. After this date, the Iraqi regime 
resumed its oppressive policies toward the Iraqi Communist Party and began 
to draw closer to the West. The Soviet Union resumed its use of the Kurdish 
card.

Since that time, history has repeated itself several times, and the Barzani 
family has often changed allegiances among the KGB, the CIA, and the 
Mossad. The drama continues.

source:
http://www.antiwar.com/orig/qadir.php?articleid=9629

===


-muslim voice-
______________________________________
BECAUSE YOU HAVE THE RIGHT TO KNOW  

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]





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