http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20070706.E02&irec=1
Maluku's sectarian war Noor Huda Ismail and Martin Manurung, Jakarta On June 29, the legitimacy of the government of the Republic of Indonesia was put to the test on its own soil. About 30 unregistered dancers attended the commemoration of the 14th National Family Day in Ambon, Maluku, bypassing the very high security procedures provided for the RI-1 (a security code for Indonesia's President). They also subsequently unfurled the banned separatist flag of the South Maluku Republic (RMS). The incident has subsequently attracted attention from the international community. In a recent breakfast meeting organized by the British Chamber of Commerce, the topic was raised privately by one of the participants. "If they are armed with a pistol or other improvised devices, they could easily shoot the President." Such a small organization like the RMS has apparently won the attention of the very small Western business players in the country. The reason is very simple; among others, strong suspicion is directed toward rivalries between factions within the military, police and the intelligence institutions. The competition between those institutions is now even more apparent as they are now blaming each other and distancing themselves from the problem. Consequently, the media has also been in a frenzy. The RMS issue actually is just a small issue and it should not be exaggerated. If this issue received national attention, let alone international focus, the RMS members would have won this battle for publicity. What the RMS wants is very clear; the recognition of its existence. The internationalization of separatist struggles does not only happen in Indonesia, a fledging democratic country. Thailand, especially in Yala, Narathiwat and Pattani, and the Philippines in Mindanao, for example, also suffer the same problem. In the western hemisphere, European governments are considered as having an established government system. Yet, today they are still wrestling with insurgency problems, though on a very small scale, such as a nationalist movement in Basque country in Spain or a small insurgency in Corsica Island in Italy. Then how is the government expected to react? First, there is an urgent need to carry out a reform of state intelligence. A reshuffle alone, as speaker of the House of Representatives Agung Laksono suggests, will not solve the problem. The problem is not in the intelligence leadership but in the communication and coordination between field intelligence and policy makers. Secondly, rivalry within the intelligence, military and the police must be managed properly. Factions are common everywhere in the world. Outside Indonesia, the cause of factions, usually, is ideology. For instance, in the United States we can clearly see competition between the neo-conservative and liberal groups in the country's military. In Indonesia, however, ideology was practically paralyzed when the Soeharto regime got rid of all existing ideologies, from left to right, within the military (although the right wing managed to survive and subsequently emerged and later became known as the "ABRI Hijau"/"Green ABRI"). Thus, if factions are to exist today, it is most likely caused by competition between high profile political elites to decrease the popularity of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Nevertheless, had the President any notion of this rivalry and managed it, such incident in Ambon would never have taken place. Thirdly, the government must find ways to address the grievances of the people in the provinces of Maluku and North Maluku. It is now the time for the government to use its "soft power" through dialogues, educational and cultural approaches to tackle the underlying issues, such as prolonged economic grievances. Moreover, are they satisfied with their local leaders? Does the pemekaran (territorial division) make them comfortable? Lastly, the jihadist world has long been crisis-crossed by endless feuds and often times rivalries. But if there is one point on which jihadists have agreed, it is the struggle against the RMS, whom they consider Christians, especially its leader Alex Manuputty, who currently resides in the U.S. "Those RMS Christians are flexing their muscles because most of us are now arrested," one jihadist said in a recent conversation. "But it would not be a smart idea for us to go to Ambon at the moment," he added. It is very likely that the incident in Ambon will be exploited by fierce Islamic preachers to warn their fellow Muslims at Friday praying about "the perceived" Western support for the "Christianization" that is now under way. Therefore, the government must not allow this issue to become a Christians vs Muslims issue. The use of "soft power" is the only option. The government must invite legitimate local leaders to solve the RMS issue peacefully. Nevertheless, "soft power" requires strong leadership, which has been lacking so far. This is the main issue that the government must meticulously answer. The writers are consultants at Sekurindo Global Consulting. printer friendly Post Your Comments
