In a message dated 3/10/2004 1:14:00 PM Central Standard Time, 
[EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:
>>And that is where the true genius of H.F. 1829 comes in. Nobody on this 
list has yet mentioned its most important provision, which is the creation of a 
legal classification for "non-violent drug offenders." This provision would 
require that all people who are brought up solely on drug charges be referred for 
a drug treatment screening. If they are recommended for treatment, then they 
may be diverted into an 18 month program instead of being sent to prison. A 
prison sentence may still be imposed if they violate the conditions of their 
treatment program, and this designation does not apply if the drug charges occur 
in connection with a weapons violation, use of force, or if the person has a 
prior conviction for a violent offense.<<<

And that would be my cue then.  There's a few pieces of the puzzle that you 
and Jordan K. are missing in regards to this.  Having talked with Keith a 
number of times regarding this, I know about more about his logic, which is trying 
to get at the person who inadvertently gets caught up in using drugs and then 
ends up with a maximum sentence.  It's designed to get at the user and not the 
dealer and that's where part of the problem is.  The other part is the 
classification of "non-violent offender".  The push for the classification is to 
have Meth (which is the major concern in the rural communities) be classified as 
"violent" and Marijuana (which is the major concern in the urban communities) 
classified as "non-violent".  In doing this, you effectively give the rural 
communities the tools to deal with their drug problems and reduce the ability of 
the urban communities.  Jordan was right about the "war on drugs" having a 
racial component, but not in the way that he meant....we're effectively taking 
away the tools that deal with the impacted communities.

And yes, there's savings to be had with this bill, but it will not suddenly 
be dumped into treatment programs as proponents seem to think, but rather would 
work to fix other deficits. More importantly, it's focused on the drug user.  
I am all for better treatment options for them, but that's where the problem 
is for the prisons, not for the neighborhoods.  The majority of people in jail 
on drug offenses for the amounts that this bill will affect are users who get 
busted, not dealers.  And that's where the real issue is.

On the streets of Jordan (and I'm sure in other impact neighborhoods), the 
dealers are not from the neighborhood, they come in from other parts to the city 
and state.  They stand on the corner and flag down the buyers who are also 
from outside the city.  They direct the buyer around the corner to another 
member who takes the money and either has the drugs or directs them to another 
person who has them.  Their supply is refilled by young kids on bikes.  Those 
dispense drugs carry just enough so that if caught it's a 5th degree offense, the 
kids are minors and face juvenile offenses if caught.  The system is organized 
and in place.  How does sending them to drug treatment solve this problem?

They are not concerned about penalties, because they know what to carry.  
Raise the amount and they carry more.  Classify them as non-violent and then 
explain about the 20-month old that gets shot in the fallout of the "New Deal" 
that failed to take these dealers out.

The concerns of at least the Jordan neighborhood and probably others is that 
these changes aren't designed to get at the dealers, much less the ones that 
come in from the suburbs, along with their buyers.  Decriminalization and 
regulation or zoning would be two ways to more effectively deal with this, but this 
bill doesn't help any of the impacted communities.  Put something in about 
dealers coming in from other neighborhoods or cities, focus the treatment 
aspects on the users and not leave loopholes for the dealers,  and then you'll begin 
to get at the real problems for the neighborhoods.

Jonathan Palmer
working in Jordan
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