And now:Ish <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> writes:

>X-Originating-IP: [192.91.247.212]
>From: "John Stevens" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
>Subject: Permanent Forum Working Group. Day 2
>Date: Thu, 18 Feb 1999 01:08:07 PST
>
>Sorry for the slight lag; things are heating up and the Kurdish 
>situation (which was solved late yesterday) inhibited a lot of activity.  
>Hopeto send Day 3 out by this evening Geneva time.
>
>Slan,
>
>John Stevens
>
>Summary of Debate - United Nations Open-Ended, Intersessional, Ad Hoc 
>Working Group on the Establishment of a Permanent Forum for Indigenous 
>Peoples, 15/2/99 (Day 2)
>(Note: this material is based on both taped transcription and real-time 
>notetaking, and does not perfectly or comprehensively reflect the 
>debates or responses.  It is a basic, quick draft whose purpose is to 
>emphasize prevalent trends in the proceedings.  Please direct any 
>questions, clarifications, omissions, or comments to John Stevens, 
>ACUNS/Native Americas magazine [for Netwarriors].  All errors are solely 
>mine.)
>
>Morning Session:
>
>       Day 2 started late because of a large protest by Kurdish demonstrators.  
>They took control of Salle XVII (the very room the WGPF has been meeting 
>in), displacing the WGPF and forcing the meeting to relocate and start 
>late.  Since the speakers' list and many papers were left in that room, 
>the continued debate was somewhat disrupted. Also, all support offices 
>were cordoned off, which made translation of documents and distribution 
>of materials nearly impossible.  The Chair reopened debate on Item 4(a), 
>the PF's mandate; he then stated that he would like to make a summation 
>(which will be transmitted subsequently as CRP1), and then turn to the 
>participation debate.
>
>       The Chair then gave the floor to China.  China asked to make a general 
>statement and the Chair agreed.  The Chinese representative reiterated 
>their "principal position" on assorted matters around the PF:
>--- the forum is of great importance to indigenous rights, but its 
>establishment should be approached in a  "prudent and responsible 
>manner."
>---the forum should have broad mandate that covers ECOSOC concerns.  At 
>the same time, the PF should be a subsidiary body, not an independent 
>body; this means it should take into account the Charter.  Emphasis 
>should be on protection, promotion, and coordination while also knowing 
>who the "target groups" are of these activities.  A definition of who is 
>"indigenous"  will be conducive to the activities of the forum, but 
>China is ready to be "flexible" on this issue.
>---PF should be an executive organ, not a standard-setting body.  PF 
>should be established after Draft Declaration is ratified, and the 
>relations between PF and WGIP should be further defined.  Overcoming 
>differences in these opinions will happen only through "sincere 
>cooperation."
>       
>       After this statement, debate resumed on the PF's mandate.  Several 
>delegates discussed concrete proposals for what the mandate should 
>cover.  There was still unanimous consent about it being "broad," but 

>there was further emphasis by indigenous representatives as to its 
>necessity for protection of indigenous rights and for creating a 
>political space for indigenous nations in the UN system.  Comments 
>ranged from very specific suggestions about areas to be covered to more 
>general endorsements of the PF's constitution as a powerful, 
>comprehensive  assembly where indigenous peoples could come to not only 
>solve problems but collaborate on solutions.  
>
>       While indigenous representatives continued to push for a strong forum 
>with conflict resolution, mediation, and sanctioning capabilities, 
>states were more hesitant both in declaring their intentions and in 
>endorsing any policy capacity for the PF.  Some states such as Brazil 
>declared that they still had "an open mind" about the PF, while 
>simultaneously declaring that the PF should be in line with UN reforms, 
>with limited resources, and within UN rules and regulations, the same 
>regulations that are currently preventing an indigenous co-chair from 
>being appointed to working groups on indigenous matters.  Some states 
>made helpful comments; Holland suggested that issues of gender and 
>children's issues be kept in mind, while others such as Bangladesh 
>continued raising the spectre of definition and warning that without 
>firm guidelines as to who was indigenous there would be "non-genuine" 
>indigenous peoples benefiting from this forum.  
>
>       The combination of rhetorical hedging and cagey insinuation by state 
>delegates only stimulated indigenous representatives to call them on 
>their claims.  Maori representative Tony Sinclair declared that 
>supporting the PF "requires a political decision and is a political 
>act," while other indigenous speakers countered the question of 
>definition with discussions of self-determination.  Chief Ted Moses of 
>the Grand Council of the Cree pointed out helpful UN documents that 
>might stimulate ideas about the format of the PF and thus what powers 
>and mandate it should have.  
>
>       The Chair ended the morning session by reading his summary of the 
>item's debate, a summary facilitated by Victoria Tauli-Corpus from the 
>Cordillera (Philippines) and the representative of the government of 
>Mexico.  This summary (and the subsequent ones, which will also be 
>facilitated by one indigenous and one government delegate) will be 
>transmitted separately.  (It should be noted that the Chair has 
>emphasized that these are Conference Room Papers and for discussion 
>purposes only.  They will be modified by debate and may only end up as 
>his personal comments in an appendix to the Final Report).
>
>Afternoon Session:
>
>       The afternoon began with the Chair's presentation of his summary on the 
>mandate debate.  Several indigenous delegates questioned one aspect of 
>his summation immediately, that of his omission of two of the nine 
>ECOSOC Commissions from consideration as relevant to indigenous 
>concerns: the Committees on Narcotics and Criminal Justice.  Several 
>delegates pointed out that indigenous peoples are often targeted as drug 
>offenders for use of plants such as peyote and coca, and that a 

>disproportionate number of indigenous peoples are imprisoned or the 
>victims of police brutality. A number of other delegates asked for 
>clarification or reiteration of certain elements, but major debate was 
>forestalled on the document until later in the week.  The Chair also 
>informed the working group that the situation in Salle XVII had not 
>changed.  In addition, he had obtained a  temporary legal opinion from 
>the ONU Geneva legal office, which said that the UN rules prohibited 
>working groups being chaired by a non-UN member.  He said that he would 
>inform the working group when an official opinion came from New York.
>
>       Discussion then commenced on Item 4(b), the issue of composition of 
>membership and participation in the PF.  The chair pointed out that he 
>wanted interventions to focus on the composition of membership (number 
>of members, format of membership, etc.), and rules of procedure for that 
>membership.  Denmark opened with a strong proposal for a PF that 
>involved indigenous peoples, specialized agencies, and states as members 
>with parity in their level of participation; this intervention was 
>referred to a number of times by indigenous peoples.  "Parity" became a 
>buzzword of the day as many delegates from all sides emphasized that 
>this should be an element of the PF.  The exact meaning o hat, however, 
>varied according to the speakers.  Indigenous delegates frequently 
>stressed that indigenous peoples should have full participation rights.  
>Spain suggested that the PF follow the model of the International Labour 
>Organization, which has a tripartite membership of workers, employers, 
>and government representatives.  They stressed that indigenous 
>representatives should be freely elected, but they also wanted 
>participatory mechanisms to come out of the national level.  Several 
>states referred to the Spanish model favorably throughout the 
>proceedings.
>
>Indigenous delegates continued to remind the Chair that they wanted a PF 
>that was situated at the highest level of the UN, so that equal 
>participation would have some meaning.  Many suggested a membership of 
>10-30 "core" members (echoing Denmark), with open participation by all 
>indigenous peoples and interested parties as observers.  Many delegates 
>considered that a three-year rotating membership would be appropriate, 
>while other thought that the possibility of serving a second term would 
>be useful.  On the question of a secretariat (a permanent support 
>structure), several indigenous delegates discussed the need for 
>qualified indigenous peoples to comprise this secretariat.
>
>States often agreed with indigenous delegates on some issues, but then 
>altered the meaning of that agreement with qualifiers.  The US delivered 
>a strongly negative statement, stating that indigenous peoples deserved 
>participation, but that it should be like their participation in WGIP.  
>They also stated flatly that they could not accept indigenous peoples 
>being on an equal level with UN member states in their voting 
>privileges.  Some states thought that equality was fine, but that 

>decision-making should be on a "consensus" level, which meant that if 
>one state was unsatisfied, there would be no decision.   Some states 
>also felt that having specialized agencies as voting members would not 
>be helpful.  Still, several states that they were also keeping "an open 
>mind" on this issue, although they endorsed facets of other states' 
>proposals.  
>
>Indigenous representatives picked up on the idea that the PF should a 
>unique and creative forum (which Canada also echoed) and often made 
>radical propositions for membership.  Several participants suggested a 
>sort of General Assembly for indigenous peoples.  Other emphasized that 
>the composition of the PF needed to facilitate real dialogue between 
>parties, and that the wider the parameters of participation were, the 
>better the PF could do its work by drawing on many different interest 
>and support groups.  They continued to stress that self-identification 
>of indigenous peoples was  a necessary prerequisite to their 
>participation, and that the UN rules needed to be revised to heighten 
>the  participation of indigenous peoples without just pigeonholing or 
>assimilating them.  For a strong, effective PF, not only a new forum but 
>a new way of doing business at the UN is needed to make such an entity 
>viable and useful to indigenous peoples.
>
>
>
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