Europe's autonomy solutions 

Hungary has welcomed the Romanian government's plans for decentralisation which 
would grant greater powers to local authorities - including those in areas 
where ethnic Hungarians form a majority. 


The BBC's Central and South-East Europe analyst, Gabriel Partos, examines how 
various forms of self-government are used to accommodate ethnic minorities in 
Europe. 

Across Europe there is a huge array of mechanisms that are used to improve the 
lot of ethnic minorities. 


But broadly speaking, there are three main approaches. These are: 

Territorial or regional autonomy 

Parallel institutions for minority groups 

Specific rights, together with the resources that are required to put these 
rights into practice, for certain ethnic groups. 

How and where these different institutional arrangements are employed depends 
on the individual circumstances of the ethnic minorities and their homelands. 
Professor Stefan Wolff of the University of Bath says their success often 
depends on local conditions and those involved in implementing them: 

"The bottom line... is that autonomy regimes, in the end, are meant to 
strengthen the effectiveness of democratic political processes," he says. 

"And, above all, they can contribute to preventing the kind of violent ethnic 
conflict that we've seen so much of over the past decade and a half across 
Europe." 

Devolution 

Territorial autonomy is usually the standard practice in cases where there is a 
sizeable national group living in a clearly defined national homeland or in a 
compact region. 

Some of the best-known examples are Britain and Spain. 

In Britain, Scotland and Wales have benefited since the late 1990s from a 
policy of devolution, giving them their elected assemblies and governments. 


 There's relatively little evidence that autonomy necessarily leads to 
secession of the autonomous area in the short or medium term 
Professor Stefan Wolff  

In Spain, Catalonia and the Basque country have enjoyed a considerable degree 
of self-government since the Franco dictatorship ended. 

In South-East Europe, the old Yugoslavia was the best-known example of such an 
ethno-federal state. 

And the decentralisation of power was taken further with the establishment of 
the autonomous provinces of Vojvodina and Kosovo within one of the federal 
entities, Serbia. 

In Kosovo, however, the majority Albanian population have been demanding 
outright independence since the late 1980s. 

So is there not a danger for states, that by granting autonomy they might be 
encouraging secession? 

Granting rights 

The Chief Executive of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities of the 
Council of Europe, Ulrich Bohner says there could be a danger but he is, on the 
whole, sceptical. 


"When you give certain rights, people will feel at ease in their language, in 
their culture and then why should they leave a country where they feel at 
ease?" he says. 

"Even in the case of the Basque country, or let's take Corsica in France, if 
there were a referendum, it's by no means certain that people would be in 
favour of independence. 

"So sometimes you have to face the reality that there are very small but very 
militant groups who are trying to gain independence through violence and that 
is obviously not something we would support from the Council or Europe - no 
way." 

Mr Bohner believes that it was not the granting of autonomy that marked the 
beginning of Kosovo's quest for independence but rather, the revoking of that 
autonomy in 1989 by President Slobodan Milosevic's Serbian administration. 

EU role 

Now that Kosovo remains under UN administration while it awaits talks on its 
long-term status, a greater degree of decentralisation within Kosovo may help 
allay the fears of Kosovo's Serb minority for their security and human rights. 

"We believe that there's a solution in granting a little bit more autonomy at 
the local level, and this is a programme that the Council of Europe has been 
developing for Kosovo," Mr Bohner says. 


"Similar things have happened actually in Macedonia with the Ohrid agreement 
that put an end to the armed conflict there." 

The prospect of membership of the European Union has, over recent years, helped 
alleviate some of the problems faced by national minorities - not least by 
ethnic Magyars who live in Slovakia, now an EU member, and Romania, an 
accession state. 

Yet neither of these two countries has any system of territorial autonomy. So 
what role can autonomy arrangements play in an expanding Europe? 

Professor Wolff says the European Union itself has no specific minority rights 
policy for its own member-states, but it has relied primarily on 
non-discrimination legislation to address minority issues. 

"This, however, does not mean that autonomy as a conflict-resolution and 
conflict-prevention mechanism has no place in the EU," he says. 

"It is in the end up to political leaders on the ground in specific situations 
to make the most of what the EU's institutions and funds can offer in support 
of autonomy arrangements, both in new member-states and aspiring 
member-states." 

Incentives 

The EU is often viewed as a collection of states that are pursuing a twin-track 
approach: an increasing sense of European unity is matched by institutions 
designed to devolve power to the local and regional levels. 

It is a practice enshrined in the principle of subsidiarity - that decisions 
should be taken at the closest possible level to the people whose lives are 
affected. 

As the EU takes in more new members, perhaps the prospect of accession may 
provide the incentive for some kind of deal on some of the most serious 
ethno-national disputes - including the future of Kosovo. 

In the meantime, its expanding number of member-states provide a growing range 
of different practices when it comes to tackling the problems faced by ethnic 
minorities. 

One of the less common approaches was adopted in Hungary in the mid-1990s - and 
more recently in Croatia - where minorities have their own parallel assemblies. 

In spite of funding shortfalls, that can be a particularly useful mechanism for 
an ethnic group, such as Hungary's Roma, or Gypsy, community who do not live in 
just one compact region of the country. 

But it is only one possible solution among many. And it is probably safe to 
assume that in the coming years there is likely to be an increasing number of 
different approaches adopted across Europe. 

Story from BBC NEWS:
http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/europe/4196101.stm

Published: 2005/01/21 20:18:09 GMT

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