RUSSIA WILL HELP UKRAINE BECOME INDEPENDENT 

MOSCOW (Anatoly Belyayev, expert, Center of Russia's Political Analysis, for
RIA Novosti) 

The recent developments in Ukraine, which ended in the emergence of a new
government, should leave Russia with no illusions about its special
relationship with the country and prompt the Russian leadership to adopt a
pragmatic approach to its southwestern neighbor. 

The new government's line-up prompts two conclusions. First, Ukraine will
change its domestic and foreign policy dramatically. Second, the new leaders
intend to be a little more realistic in their reforms, i.e., they will heed
only the interests of the members of the "old" elite who accept the new
rules of the game. 

The recent appointments in the foreign ministry and security ministries
speak for themselves. Top positions in these ministries have gone to staunch
supporters of the new president and premier. Interestingly, these new faces
spent years living and studying in the West. 

Oleg Rybachuk, the deputy prime minister in charge of European integration
issues, will apparently oversee the activities of the "transfer mechanism"
between Western "sponsors" and the "recipients," i.e., the Ukrainian
authorities. 

Anatoly Gritsenko, the defense minister, is an ex-head of the Razumkov
Center and Mr. Yushchenko's campaign staff. He knows senior NATO officials
personally. All Razumkov Center officials were trained at US military
academies, so it is hardly surprising that he wants Ukraine to join the
alliance in the next few years. Mr. Gritsenko made a statement recently
demanding that Russia withdraw its Black Sea Fleet base from Sevastopol,
which violates the Russian-Ukrainian treaty on friendship and the treaty on
Russia's naval base on the Black Sea, which guarantees a Russian presence in
Sevastopol until 2017. 

Alexander Turchinov, the chief of the Security Service and the first deputy
leader of Yulia Timoshenko's nationalist Batkovshchina (Fatherland) party,
is a member of the AmericanCharismatic movement, a religious sect. 

The activities of Nikolai Tomenko, the deputy prime minister overseeing
humanitarian policy, reflect the Timoshenko government's highly ideological
approach. Mr. Tomenko has accused the Ukrainian Orthodox Church, which is
subordinate to the Moscow Patriarchy, of fueling ethnic and regional tension
in Ukraine. 

Given these individuals in Ukraine's foreign policy and security
establishment, Russia will hardly develop special, let alone "fraternal,"
relations with Ukraine. Its domestic policy, above all in the economic
sphere, does not promise anything good for Russia. The government's program
is odd, to say the least. Its chapters are called Faith, Justice, Life,
Harmony, Security, and Peace, and they lack any specific figures. 

Nevertheless, the new government has outlined its activities and even
started making moves in one area. The government has decided to cancel the
decision to privatize one of the country's largest steel mills,
Krivorozhstal. The mill went to ex-President Kuchma's son-in-law, Viktor
Pinchuk, and Donetsk-based oligarch Rinat Akhmetov, who backed Viktor
Yanukovich in his presidential campaign, at a blatantly biased auction.
(Russia's Severstal's bid was the largest at the auction). Yet, the fact
that the new leaders rushed to revise privatization results in favor of the
"old" elite speaks volumes. 

The new authorities are likely to undertake property redistribution (allies
in the security bodies will help them) and probably not in favor of new
"orange" owners who simply cannot afford large enterprises, but in favor of
Western groups. The new authorities will thereby undermine their opponents'
economic foundation and pay the West for the support it rendered before and
during the revolution, and is continuing to provide now. This policy is not
inconsistent, and it will help the government achieve its major objective of
integrating Ukraine into European bodies as soon as possible. 

What should Russia do in the circumstances? And how should it develop
relations with the new regime? Given the prospect that the "orange"
revolutionaries apparently have taken hold in Kiev and their position can
only be shattered if the economic situation deteriorates dramatically, which
is unlikely with Ukraine's exports soaring, Russia should accept reality and
adopt a pragmatic approach. 

In the first instance, Russia must protect Russian property in Ukraine,
which is in danger under de-privatization plans, by all possible means.
Russia has a good lever of influence: the major Ukrainian metal and pipe
exporters' dependence on the Russian market. 

In addition, Russia should be guided by the same principles in its relations
with Ukraine seeking absolute independence that govern its relations with
countries outside the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). This means
Ukraine has to be denied the privileges it received as Russia's closest
partner in the common economic space and the CIS. Energy tariffs should be
raised to European levels (2-2.5-fold), and control over commodities,
services, and labor force movements between the countries should be
toughened. Russia will thereby help Ukraine's new government achieve its
core objective - complete independence. It remains to be seen whether the
Ukrainian government is prepared for it. -

http://en.rian.ru/rian/index.cfm?prd_id=160&msg_id=5403844&startrow=1&date=2
005-02-11&do_alert=0

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