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When it comes to Kosovo, Canada's in odd company TheStar.com - columnists - 
When it comes to Kosovo, Canada's in odd company 

December 11, 2007 

Richard Gwyn



Among the close to 200 member states of the United Nations, it's hard to find 
any that have less in common than do Canada and Georgia, tucked away down in 
the Caucasus.

Georgia is small; we are huge, geographically at least. Georgia is poor; we are 
rich. We are part of the New World; they are of the Old World.

Yet on one crucial issue of the day, we and they think alike, even though this 
leaves both of us in a pretty small minority at the UN.

This issue is the bid by Kosovo, a province, to break away from Serbia to be a 
nation-state on its own.

The reason for Kosovo's urge to go it alone is that more than 90 per cent of 
its population is ethnic Albanian. Serbia's attempt in the mid-1990s to 
ethnically cleanse its southern province Kosovo of Albanian Kosovars led to 
armed intervention by NATO (including by Canada) and re-creation of Kosovo as a 
UN protectorate even while leaving it nominally part of Serbia.

This week the United Nations will issue a report that formally declares its 
attempt to find an amicable and peaceable way for Kosovo to separate from 
Serbia has failed.

>From this point on, everyone has to figure out what to do – including Canada 
>and Georgia. Serbia itself resolutely refuses to accept that Kosovo has a 
>right to secede. Serbia's diplomatic weight is relatively modest. Behind it, 
>though, is Russia, which has made it clear it will block the move by 
>exercising its veto in the UN Security Council.

One way exists to end the stalemate. As Kosovo's Prime Minister Hashim Thaci 
has already declared he intends to do, Kosovo can make a unilateral declaration 
of independence. The probable date this will happen is sometime in late January.

Most of the global players that matter, including the United States and the 
European Union, have made it clear they will recognize Kosovo once it declares 
itself independent.

The arguments for accepting Kosovo's independence do seem overwhelming. All of 
its two million people are ethnic Albanians but for some 200,000 Serbs in the 
north. True, Kosovo was the spiritual birthplace of the Serb nation but that 
historical legacy was cancelled out by dictator Slobodan Milosevic's attempt at 
ethnic cleansing.

Nevertheless, Georgia won't be exchanging ambassadors with the new nation-state 
of Kosovo. And neither, it's safe to guess, will be Canada.

Georgia's motive is easy to identify. Within Georgia there are a couple of 
ethnically distinct statelets, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and both aspire to 
be independent. Both are likely to use what happens to Kosovo as a precedent 
they can use. (Behind the scenes, Russia, now in a prolonged quarrel with 
Georgia, supports these independence movements.)

Canada's motive is more complex. Remember the Clarity Act enacted by former 
prime minister Jean Chrétien in response to the near-defeat of federalism in 
Quebec's 1995 referendum. This legislation proclaims that a pro-separation 
majority in any future referendum would not give a Parti Québécois government 
the right to declare independence unilaterally.

Instead, and as confirmed by the Supreme Court, any separation-bound PQ 
government would have to negotiate first with the Canadian federal government 
of the day.

Accepting Kosovo's right to declare independence unilaterally would ensnare us 
into accepting Quebec's right to do the same. In fact, we will not be entirely 
alone with Georgia. China leans the same way (because of Tibet) and likewise 
Cyprus (because of the breakaway Turkish region in the north or the island). 
Spain is worried about a precedent that might apply to Catalonia. Russia is the 
strongest opponent of all, even if its real purpose is to make the United 
States and the European Union pay attention to it.

Given a free choice, there's no doubt Canada would support Kosovo's 
independence.

Instead, we're going to stand among the naysayers, while looking embarrassed.

  _____  

Richard Gwyn usually appears on Tuesdays. Email: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

 

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