Kosovo Split _ New Cold War With Russia?


By STEVE GUTTERMAN 02.10.08, 2:13 PM ET

MOSCOW - 

Russia may not come to outright blows with the West over Kosovo, but 
independence for the province seems sure to deepen the Cold War-style chill 
settling over Europe.

Detaching Kosovo from Serbia will likely aggravate disputes over a host of 
sensitive security issues ranging from missile defense to NATO membership for 
the former Soviet republics of Georgia and Ukraine.

"There are several different issues coming together - that's what makes it so 
dangerous," said Anatol Lieven, a Russia expert who is a professor at King's 
College London and a senior fellow of the New America Foundation in Washington.

Kosovo is sacred to Serbs, who call it the cradle of their statehood and 
religion. The province also strikes a chord in the President Vladimir Putin's 
Kremlin - for reasons beyond the roots Russia shares with Slavic, Orthodox 
Christian Serbia.

Kosovo stands as a symbol of Russia's weakness in the post-Soviet era. Despite 
its fury over the 1999 NATO bombing of Serbia - denounced by Boris Yeltsin as a 
return to the "Stone Age" - Moscow recognized a peace deal that put the mostly 
ethnic Albanian province under the control of the U.N. and the Western alliance.

Putin has built his popularity on restoring Russian pride, pushing to recapture 
its global clout and showing increasing assertiveness toward the West. That 
means acquiescence is off the table.

"The issue is not so much Kosovo itself but Russia's grandeur," said Yevgeny 
Volk, head of the Heritage Foundation's Moscow office.

Speculation that Russia would strike a compromise with the West was shattered 
last August when Moscow torpedoed a plan for supervised independence by 
threatening a U.N. Security Council veto.

"Kosovo has become a very successful way to show that Russia has an opinion and 
does not intend to change it to accommodate anyone," said Fyodor Lukyanov, 
editor of Russia in Global Affairs magazine. "It's really not support for 
Serbia, but support for principles."

An independence declaration could come as early as this week, and Moscow says 
it has developed a secret plan for responding to it. Meanwhile, Russians are 
warning that Western recognition will set a dangerous precedent, legitimizing 
independence claims from separatists across Europe - Scots, Basques, Turkish 
Cypriots - and beyond. A report on a government-supported English-language 
Russian satellite TV channel even threw Vermont secessionists into the mix.

More seriously, Moscow has implied that it could hit back by recognizing the 
independence claims of Abkhazia and South Ossetia - two Russian-supported 
provinces in Georgia, whose pro-Western government plays a key role in the 
struggle for influence pitting Russia against the U.S. and European Union.

Russian hawks might rejoice, but for the pragmatic Putin, the pros are probably 
outweighed by the cons - at least for now. The move might mean a war with 
Georgia, a meltdown of relations with the West, and a boost for separatists 
inside Russia.

"I don't think this is the issue on which Russia will fully confront the West," 
said Alexander Rahr, director of the Russia/Eurasia Program at the German 
Council on Foreign Relations. "They have a huge stake in other regions, and 
there are lots of conflicts to come."

Russia will probably hold back, saving its strength for disputes over U.S. 
missile-defense plans in eastern Europe and efforts by Georgia and Ukraine to 
win NATO membership - a far more serious concern for the Kremlin than distant 
Kosovo.

In the short run, its response will probably be limited to steps such as 
blocking U.N. recognition of Kosovo, while portraying itself as a protector of 
international law and the United States as a reckless global bully.

"As to what it will do, I don't think it'll actually do very much," Lieven said.

Last month, Russia's new NATO envoy dismissed speculation that Moscow might 
send peacekeeping troops to Kosovo.

Putin seems less interested in Serbia as a potential military ally than as an 
outpost of Russia's growing European energy empire. Kremlin support on Kosovo 
has already helped it land deals for a gas pipeline and control of Serbia's 
state oil company, furthering its efforts to increase Europe's dependence on 
Russia for energy supplies and distribution.

"In a way, Russia has already gotten what it wants - a big footprint in the 
energy situation in the Balkans," said Rahr.

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