Hart InterCivic is a big e-voting company: the third-largest in the 
country, after Diebold/Premier
and ES&S.

And, like those two, Hart InterCivic is a partisan concern. As this 
piece from the Austin Chronicle makes clear, the company sits in the 
pocket (or the holster) of the Texas GOP.

Now, we often hear that our elections would be A-OK if we could just 
replace the DRE's--
the paperless e-voting gadgets--with op-scans (computers that count 
paper ballots). Many
liberals hew to that position, which seems to represent the outer 
limit of acceptable debate.

But Hart InterCivic makes op-scans; and they should not be used. 
First of all, they have
well-documented defects. (Do a Google search on "Hart Intercivic 
optical scanners," for the
studies from California, Pennsylvania and Yakima County, WA, the last 
reported by
John Gideon of Voters Unite!)

But the issue here is larger than the flaws that such researchers 
have exposed. There are
two fundamental reasons why Hart InterCivic's e-voting machinery 
should not be used:

1) Hart InterCivic is a private company--and no private company 
should be involved
in our elections. Such firms are unaccountable, and act on interests 
other than the public good.

2) All computerized voting systems are opaque, counting votes in 
secret. Thus it really
makes no difference if we have elaborate audit protocols in place, 
because such partial
and belated measures are no substitute for ballots counted openly, 
for all sides to see.

So if we want a voting process that is worthy of our trust, let's 
start with a ban on the
participation by all private companies, and (following the lead of 
Germany's highest
court) stop the use of all computerized voting systems.

Thus far, the permissible discussion of "election reform" has avoided 
or ignored these
two proposals. Until they're finally on the table, that discussion 
will be incomplete, and
any consequent "reform" will safeguard our elections not at all.

MCM


Via Theron Horton:


"Profits (or lack thereof) aside, it is TGF's investment in Hart 
InterCivic which may be the most problematic. A recent New York 
Times story reported that some observers accuse the three electronic 
voting vendors -- now doing a brisk business in the wake of the 
debacle in the Florida recount of the 2000 presidential election -- 
of being too closely tied to the Republican Party. A Hart InterCivic 
spokesman describes those charges as 'rubbish.' Perhaps. But the fact 
remains that Hart InterCivic is partially owned by the state of Texas 
-- which itself is currently wholly owned by the Republican Party."

<http://www.austinchronicle.com/gyrobase/Issue/story?oid=oid%253A190685>
The Texas Growth Fund

Cowboys, cable, and venture capital

BY 
<http://www.austinchronicle.com/gyrobase/Archive/author?oid=oid%3A83160>LUCIUS 
LOMAX

News: The Texas Growth Fund: Cowboys, cable, and venture capital - 
The Austin Chronicle

Why does the state of Texas run its own venture-capital business, 
anyway? Who benefits politically from high-risk investments in 
companies that -- like Veridian -- are in potentially unsavory lines 
of work? If such concerns are all subordinate to the power of the 
dollar, then the natural temptation is to credit the Republicans with 
responsibility for the Texas Growth Fund and any successes -- or 
scandals -- that may emerge from the investment of over half a 
billion dollars of state money. A 1988 constitutional amendment 
creating the fund was presided over by then-Gov. Bill Clements, a 
Dallas oilman and former high-ranking Defense Department official. 
(The fund actually began operations in 1992.)

But a very important Democratic hand may have been at work behind the 
scenes as well.

"That was [Bob] Bullock's deal," says a former investment official of 
the Teacher Retirement System of Texas, who asked not to be named but 
was present at the TGF's creation. According to this former official, 
the then-lieutenant governor (Gov. George W. Bush's mentor) 
considered the teachers' pension fund a big bank -- which in a sense 
it is, with a present value of $77 billion -- a very small percentage 
of which could be tapped to great effect for political purposes.

In the scenario envisioned by Bullock (who was elected in 1990) says 
the ex-TRS officer, if a state senator or other elected official had 
a company in his district that was ailing or needed an infusion of 
cash, the growth fund could be called upon for a bailout. That is, of 
course, exactly what TGF officials say does not happen, but it's a 
possible scenario to keep in mind while looking at the fund's 
investments.

Since beginning operations in 1992, the Texas Growth Fund has 
invested money in more than 40 businesses. Ten years later, six of 
those companies -- including a manufacturer of children's clothing in 
El Campo and a heavy equipment vendor in Houston, with a combined 
state investment of over $40 million -- have gone bankrupt. 
Successful investments in Houston, according to TGF officials, 
include a towing operator on the Ship Channel, a drug-testing firm, 
and Community Education Partners, a vendor to the Houston Independent 
School District. In Dallas, a successful venture for the state has 
been a company that provides turf for the Dallas Cowboys to play on, 
and a very private merchant banker named Hoak Breedlove Wesneski that 
itself does investment deals. The rules under which TGF operates 
require that the fund work with larger or more experienced investors, 
which in the past have included the UT Investment Management Company, 
Austin Ventures, and Wingate Partners, a private investment fund 
which represents, among others, "several prominent Dallas families."

In Austin, the state's investments include Classic Cable, which shows 
old movies, and Hart InterCivic, formerly the printer Hart Graphics, 
which has morphed, with TGF's help, into one of three main national 
manufacturers of electronic voting equipment. Another recent venture 
is a helicopter-ambulance service started by a former high-ranking 
Nixon administration official.

Profits (or lack thereof) aside, it is TGF's investment in Hart 
InterCivic which may be the most problematic. A recent New York 
Times story reported that some observers accuse the three electronic 
voting vendors -- now doing a brisk business in the wake of the 
debacle in the Florida recount of the 2000 presidential election -- 
of being too closely tied to the Republican Party. A Hart InterCivic 
spokesman describes those charges as "rubbish." Perhaps. But the fact 
remains that Hart InterCivic is partially owned by the state of Texas 
-- which itself is currently wholly owned by the Republican Party.

And given that the GOP is playing with public money, the internal 
operations of the TGF are also open to some question. During a 2001 
Teacher Retirement System board meeting, a member of the board said 
that in the case of TGF, as a trade-off to help create jobs in the 
state, the TRS had waived the state's "prudent man" investment 
standard. TRS spokesman Howard Goldman says, however, that the 
prudent man standard -- under which the state is held accountable to 
invest its money as a "prudent man" would his own -- remains in force 
and applies to TGF.

Jim Kozlowski, president of the private company that exclusively 
manages the growth fund, has claimed that TGF investments in Texas 
companies have created as many as 1,000 jobs in the state and helped 
retain as many as 7,000. Basic manufacturing and service distribution 
companies -- as opposed to high tech ventures like Veridian and Hart 
InterCivic -- are TGF's bread and butter investments, he says. 
"There's everything from propane gas companies to rural cable TVs to 
baking companies."

Kozlowski says one mistake TGF management made was in trying to get 
involved in Austin's venture capital boom -- when the bust hit, TGF 
had to write off completely its investments in two high tech 
companies. "If you set the clock back about 18 months to the venture 
capital market, Austin is probably the hottest venture capital market 
in Texas, clearly, and one of the hottest in the country. ... You're 
almost afraid not to participate," Kozlowski said in 2001, explaining 
losses to the TRS board. "So we learned a little bit of a painful 
lesson here. Our strength is not in venture capital. Again, we did 
this with full disclosure of our board [most of whom are directly or 
indirectly appointed by the governor]. It made sense at the time. It 
doesn't make as much sense in the rearview mirror."

Everyone seems to agree that private equity investment of the kind 
practiced by TGF requires a much longer time frame, as long as 15 
years, to determine success, so it's difficult to say yet what 
overall outcomes TGF will have. Certainly the Veridian windfall has 
helped. According to a TRS calculation dated May 31 of last year, TRS 
had invested $272 million in the growth fund, had received $87 
million in returns, and had paid $27 million in management fees.
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