Judicial Nominees, the ABA and the "Liberal" Bias

Geoffrey R. Stone
The Huffington Post
APRIL 3, 2009

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/geoffrey-r-stone/judicial-nominees-the-aba_b_182621.html


In a piece in Tuesday's New York Times (March 31, 2009), Adam Liptak 
addressed the alleged "liberal bias" of the American Bar Association 
in its evaluation of presidential judicial nominees. ("As the Bar 
Gets Its Voice Back on Judges, Advice May Ring Familiar.")

The basic premise of the article is that the ABA has tended to give 
Democratic nominees more favorable ratings than Republican nominees. 
The assumption is that, if this is so, it demonstrates the ABA's 
liberal bias and therefore justifies the Bush administration's 
decision to downplay the role of the ABA. This assumption is 
simplistic, at best. Even if the ABA has found more Democratic than 
Republican nominees to be qualified, this proves nothing about a 
liberal "bias." This is so for two reasons.

First, suppose the (hypothetical) American Scientific Association 
(ASA), made up of the nation's scientists, is given a similar role in 
evaluating presidential nominees for scientific positions in the 
government. Suppose further that Republican nominees are more likely 
than Democratic nominees to believe in creationism, or intelligent 
design, or that stem cell research should be prohibited because it 
offends God's design.

In all likelihood, my hypothetical ASA would find more Democratic 
than Republican nominees qualified, not because of a "liberal bias" 
in the ASA, but because the organization is making bona fide 
judgments about scientific excellence. Scientists who reject Darwin 
and believe in creationism may be lovely people, but they are 
unlikely to win the respect of the scientific community when they 
asked to make objective judgments about scientific excellence. This 
is not a matter of "bias," liberal or otherwise, but a clear-eyed 
assessment of science.

The ABA, I submit, works in much the same way. Here's a question: How 
do we decide what views are in the "mainstream" of legal thought? One 
way we can do this is to find the legal midpoint between Republican 
and Democratic parties and then assume that that position defines the 
mainstream of legal thought. But that doesn't make a lot of sense, 
because the political parties are political, not legal, 
organizations. Their judgments about good and bad legal theories will 
be deeply influenced by politics. Judges are not supposed to be 
political. They are supposed to be above politics. Indeed, this is a 
fundamental premise of the American judicial system. This is not to 
say that every judge always achieves this aspiration, but it is the 
central premise of the "rule of law." Thus, political parties are not 
very reliable determinants of sound legal doctrine.

Moreover, judges, unlike political parties, are not supposed to be 
beholden to the majority will. To the contrary, in their most 
important responsibility - interpreting the Constitution - judges are 
supposed to be independent of the will of the majority. They are 
supposed to interpret and apply the Constitution even when the 
majority doesn't much like what the Constitution commands.

When a Court rules that minorities or persons accused of crime or 
religious or political dissenters have rights that cannot be trampled 
by the majority, they are acting in an anti-majoritarian manner, and 
that is at the very core of their role. Political parties, on the 
other hand, are majoritarian by nature. A party's political platform 
is not supposed to shape the constitutional decisions of our judges.

Thus, to suggest that the dividing line between the Republican and 
Democratic parties should be seen as defining the mainstream of legal 
thought confuses politics with law. But if this is so, how are we to 
evaluate the legal philosophies of judicial nominees? The most 
sensible, if imperfect, answer is to create an organization, like my 
hypothetical American Scientific Association, but for lawyers, rather 
than scientists. That is, of course, the ABA.

The ABA is much more likely to represent the mainstream of legal 
thought than either the Republican or Democratic party, and splitting 
the difference between the parties is not a sensible way to find that 
mainstream. If Republicans think that the ABA has a "liberal" bias, 
what they really mean is that the mainstream of legal thought is out 
of sync with what the Republican Party thinks it should be.

Of course, it is fine for Republicans to think that, but the fact 
remains that the ABA's evaluation of judicial nominees reflects not a 
"liberal" bias, but a professional judgment about the proper role and 
responsibilities of judges that apparently differs markedly with the 
Republican view. This is not because the ABA has a liberal bias, but 
because it reflects the views of lawyers, who know a lot more about 
the law than politicians. Put differently, it is not the ABA that is 
out of the legal mainstream, but the Republican Party. As thirty 
years of extensive debate has pretty much proved to the legal 
profession, originalism is to law what creationism is to science.

Second, there is every reason to believe that, even in terms of 
"formal" qualifications, wholly apart from questions of judicial 
philosophy, Democratic judicial nominees are more likely to be 
well-qualified for the bench than their Republican counterparts. This 
might seem insulting, but it makes sense. Here's why: Over the past 
forty years, the vast majority of the most talented graduates of 
America's leading law schools have inclined towards the "liberal" 
side of the legal spectrum. Indeed, I would guess that over the past 
forty years at least 75% of the top 20% of the graduating classes of 
the top twenty law schools have ascribed to a liberal rather than a 
conservative judicial philosophy.

Indeed, conservatives have complained about this for a long time. But 
this suggests that Democratic judicial nominees are more likely to be 
drawn from the most talented pool of potential judicial candidates 
than Republican nominees. Therefore, a judicial evaluation committee 
applying perfectly neutral criteria would be more likely to find 
Democratic than Republican nominees qualified. Put simply, the 
conservatives have to dig deeper to find their nominees.

We have seen precisely this phenomenon in the selection of Supreme 
Court law clerks. Beginning in the early 1970s, when I was a law 
clerk to Justice William Brennan, the more conservative Justices 
began self-consciously to select conservative law clerks. It was 
apparent to everyone that, in so doing, they were placing ideology 
over excellence and selecting less talented law clerks, on average, 
than the other Justices. This has only escalated in recent years, as 
conservative Justices have increasingly insisted on membership in the 
Federalist Society (a conservative legal organization) as a 
credential for a judicial clerkship.

The point is that a neutral and detached committee charged with the 
responsibility of selecting the most talented law clerks for the 
Justices would undoubtedly come up with a much more liberal group of 
law clerks than the process used by some of the current Justices. The 
reason for this phenomenon is not that legal conservatives are 
innately less able, but that there are fewer of them. And the 
conservative Justices therefore have to dig deeper into the pool to 
find what they're looking for.

My hypothetical neutral and detached committee charged with selecting 
the Justices' clerks would undoubtedly be accused of a liberal bias, 
because it would select a disproportionate percentage of liberal law 
clerks. But the real bias would not be with the committee, but with 
the Justices themselves. The same, I suggest, is true for the ABA.

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