The Gates Doctrine: Caveat Emptor

By Melvin A. Goodman

<http://pubrecord.org/commentary/823-the-gates-doctrine-caveat-emptor.html>http://pubrecord.org/commentary/823-the-gates-doctrine-caveat-emptor.html

Secretary of Defense Robert Gates has learned very little from the 
military trials and tribulations of the United States over the past 
50 years. During that period, the United States has lost three costly 
and avoidable wars in Southeast Asia, Southwest Asia, and the Middle 
East. These wars involved U.S. military forces for more than 12 years 
in Vietnam, more than six years (and counting) in Iraq, and eight 
years (and counting) in Afghanistan.

Despite our military, intelligence, and technological superiority, we 
were stymied by two countries that had no air force, no navy, no 
army, no air defense. We were able to deploy weapons of great 
lethality, sophistication, maneuverability, and firepower. 
Nevertheless, Secretary Gates wants to reorient planning at the 
Pentagon so that the United States could be positioned to fight more 
such wars.

Despite his previous lip service to ensure that the State Department 
and various civilian agencies get more involved in implementing 
American national security policy, Gates clearly wants the Pentagon 
to have pride of place in international areas outside the principal 
mission of military operations. He wants to expand the military's 
role in equipping and training foreign forces, and for educating 
foreign officers.

He also wants to expand the nation-building programs that grew out of 
our egregious experience in Vietnam in the 1960s and 1970s, which the 
Obama administration seems to favor for our involvement in 
Afghanistan and Pakistan. Like his regional commanders, Gates seems 
to see the Pentagon as a "big Velcro cube that other agencies can 
hook to so we can collectively do what needs to be done" in such 
regional commands as the Middle East and Southwest Asia. Gates 
apparently would do nothing to reverse the trend of the recent past 
that allows general officers and particularly regional commanders to 
have more influence and leverage than their civilian counterparts in 
the implementation of American foreign policy.

The emphasis on adding to the ranks of the Army, the Marine Corps, 
and special forces and greater spending on low-tech weapons that are 
best suited for guerrilla or irregular warfare points to continued 
problems for American national security. Gates explained that he is 
"just trying to get the irregular guys to have a seat at the table 
and to institutionalize the needs they have." Any shift in the 
direction of greater funding for such counter-insurgency operations 
as Iraq and Afghanistan is not encouraging.

The United States (and the Western community in general) can point to 
very few military successes in such operations and run the risk of 
large-scale and long-term occupations. We invaded Iraq six years ago 
when there was no connection whatsoever between that country and U.S. 
national interest, and now we are committing greater forces and 
resources to Afghanistan where there is no connection to our vital 
interests. President Obama and Secretary Gates want to move in the 
direction of nation building, although there is no operational 
strategy for involving the State Department and the Agency for 
International Development in stabilization and reconstruction in 
troubled areas.

Some aspects of the Gates' doctrine are laudatory, particularly the 
decision to scale back spending on national missile defense; to 
create a professional procurement process; to cap production of the 
Air Forces' F-22 fighter jet; to cancel production of a new 
presidential helicopter; and to reduce the Army's Future Combat 
Systems. The effort to fix the procurement system is long overdue, 
and even Gates' two previous budgets were mere straight-line 
projections of Donald Rumsfeld's budgetary and procurement agenda.

The Pentagon's weapons-procurement system has been a well-known 
disaster that presidential administrations and congressional 
committees have refused to address. In taking on the Pentagon's 
inability to make hard choices in weapons systems or to undertake 
major reform, Gates is taking on President Eisenhower's 
military-industrial-congressional complex.

A more promising development is in legislation sponsored by Senators 
Carl Levin (D-MI) and John McCain (R-AZ), who want to create a 
director of independent cost assessments, who would have a senior 
staff with the authority to obtain data from weapons contractors and 
to ensure that costs are justified. The services, which are 
responsible for cost estimates on weapons programs, have never 
developed a professional staff to provide accurate cost estimates, 
let alone discipline profligate weapons manufacturers.

Last year, according to the Washington Post, the Government 
Accountability Office reported that cost overruns on the largest 
weapons systems totaled about $300 billion.

Sadly, the Gates' doctrine still points to the United States as the 
"indispensable nation," in the words of former president Bill Clinton 
and his secretary of state Madeleine Albright, endowed by providence 
with unique responsibilities and obligations.

Gates and presumably President Obama want the United States to be 
able to respond to any and all crises, even those that have no 
relevance to American national interests, let alone vital national 
interests. Gates wants to maintain the offensive orientation of the 
Bush administration's foreign policy and obviously believes that 
American military power will preserve law and order.

In his inaugural address, President Obama emphasized that "power 
alone cannot protect us, nor does it entitle us to do as we please." 
It does not appear that Obama's secretary of defense was listening.

Melvin A. Goodman,a regular contributor to 
<http://www.pubrecord.org/>The Public Record, is senior fellow at the 
<http://www.ciponline.org/>Center for International Policy and 
adjunct professor of government at Johns Hopkins University. He spent 
more than 42 years in the U.S. Army, the Central Intelligence Agency, 
and the Department of Defense. His most recent book is 
"<http://www.amazon.com/Failure-Intelligence-Decline-Fall-CIA/dp/0742551105/ref=pd_bbs_sr_1?ie=UTF8&s=books&qid=1236824645&sr=8-1>Failure
 
of Intelligence: The Decline and Fall of the CIA."
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