<http://www.iht.com/bin/print_ipub.php?file=/articles/2005/01/04/news/edyoung.html>

 



Give Assad more reasons to leave Lebanon

Michael Young International Herald Tribune
 Wednesday, January 5, 2005


BEIRUT  In recent weeks a bevy of U.S. officials, including President
George W. Bush, has threatened Syria with sanctions unless it stops
meddling in Iraqi affairs. However, it is in Lebanon that the regime of
President Bashar Assad feels more profoundly threatened, because the
masonry of Syrian power there is collapsing.

 An opposition front formed recently in Beirut with the aim of ending
Syrian dominion over Lebanese affairs counts among its main figures the
Druze leader Walid Jumblatt, a onetime Syrian ally. And former Prime
Minister Rafik Hariri, a Sunni Muslim to whom Syria also owes much, is an
implicit sympathizer, even if he refuses to endorse the project.

 Jumblatt and Hariri turned their backs on Damascus in September after the
Syrian regime imposed an extension of Emile Lahoud's mandate as president
of Lebanon, despite resistance to the idea inside Lebanon and warnings from
the United States and France that international action would ensue. When
Syria persisted, Washington and Paris sponsored UN Security Council
Resolution 1559, calling on Syria to withdraw its forces from Lebanon and
cease interfering in the country's affairs.

 These demands effectively internationalized the Lebanese-Syrian
relationship. A subsequent Security Council presidential statement mandated
that twice a year the UN secretary general would report on implementation
of Resolution 1559. The first report is scheduled for April.

 The Syrians have reacted by dissembling. They won't readily surrender a
country that, because it is a front line in the conflict with Israel,
bestows regional relevance on Syria and is a buffer to its southeast.
Lebanon also provides the Syrian elite with myriad financial benefits,
offers Syria a wedge into Palestinian affairs and gives work to hundreds of
thousands of Syrian laborers who send remittances home.

 To derail international demands for a full withdrawal from Lebanon, Syria
may carry out a partial redeployment inside Lebanon in the coming weeks. It
may even pull the bulk of its forces out of Lebanon, leaving behind a few
thousand Special Forces and intelligence units.

 Other sources have predicted that Syria will also close its intelligence
headquarters in Anjar, a town in the Bekaa Valley. It is mainly Syrian
intelligence that has run Lebanon for over two decades, so closing Anjar
would be highly symbolic, though its practical import might be limited
since Syria's network of agents would remain intact.

 By making such gestures, Syria would hope to forestall a harsh UN report
in April and buy breathing space. This is a parliamentary election year in
Lebanon, and Damascus is calculating how it might shape the electoral
outcome to its advantage. It could force an early election to greet the UN
report with a fully pro-Syrian Parliament, or it could wait for the report
before deciding how much slack to cut the increasingly mobilized
opposition. Either way, it is vital that the UN report cut through the
chaff of Syrian intentions and identify a partial redeployment not as an
effort to carry out Resolution 1559, but to evade it.

 There is a consensus in Lebanon that Syria's unbridled, open-ended control
is poisoning Lebanese-Syrian relations in a way that is regrettable and
avoidable. Most opposition figures have avoided exploiting Syria's
difficulties with the United States to advance their agenda. Few would
regard a Syrian pullout as a final divorce - quite the contrary. Even
Jumblatt has said Syria can maintain forces inside Lebanon if it avoids
intervening in Lebanese politics.

 That's why the United Nations should call Syria's bluff. No one will go to
war with Syria over Lebanon, nor is that advisable; but it would be
ridiculous if a mere shuffling of forces were enough for Syria to purchase
a dispensation. Unless a Syrian withdrawal is immediate, the Security
Council must outline interim steps to implement Resolution 1559, for
example appointing international observers to verify Syrian nonintervention
in Lebanese politics.

 In parallel, the United States and the United Nations should consider
pushing for a resumption of Syrian-Israeli negotiations over the Golan
Heights, which were occupied by Israel in 1967, and link that resumption
(not the outcome of negotiations) to Syrian implementation of Resolution
1559. In that way, Syria would be offered an incentive, but also a stark
choice: Does it want Lebanon or the Golan?

 The 28-year-old Syrian presence in Lebanon has lasted long enough. That's
why Syria mustn't be allowed to circumvent Resolution 1559. However, it can
be offered something to make fulfilling the resolution easier to swallow.
Then Damascus might be better able to face its problems to the east, in
Iraq.

 (Michael Young is opinion editor and a columnist at the Daily Star
newspaper in Lebanon and a contributing editor at Reason magazine in the
United States.)

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