http://www.rebelion.org/noticia.php?id=11117

Colombia, the US and the threat to Venezuelan sovereignty

A major diplomatic and political conflict has emerged between Colombia
and Venezuela subsequent to the revelation of a Colombian government
covert operation in Venezuela, involving the recruitment of Venezuelan
military and security officers in the kidnapping of a Colombian leftist
leader. Following an investigation by the Venezuelan Ministry of
Interior and reports and testimony from journalists and other
knowledgeable political observers it was determined that the highest
levels of the Colombian government, including President Uribe, planned
and executed this flagrant violation of Venezuelan sovereignty. Once
direct Colombian involvement was established, the Venezuelan government
asked for a public apology from the Colombian government while seeking a
diplomatic solution by blaming Colombian Presidential advisers. The
Colombian regime took the offensive, launching an aggressive defense of
its involvement in the violation of Venezuelan sovereignty and beyond
that laying claim to the legitimacy of future acts of aggression on the
bases of “national security”. As a result President Chavez recalled the
Venezuelan Ambassador from Bogota, suspended all state to state
commercial and political agreements pending an official state apology.
In response the US Government gave unconditional support to Colombian
violation of Venezuelan sovereignty and urged the Uribe regime to pursue
the conflict further. What began as a diplomatic conflict over a
specific incident has turned into a major, defining crises in US and
Latin American political relations with potentially explosive military,
economic and political consequences for the entire region.

A High Stake Conflict

The Uribe regime in justifying the kidnapping of Rodrigo Granda, the
Colombian leftist leader, annunciated a new foreign policy doctrine
which echoes that of the Bush Administration: The right of unilateral
intervention in any country in which the Colombian government perceives
or claims is harboring or providing refuge to political adversaries
(which the regime labels as “terrorists”) which might threaten the
security of the state. The Uribe doctrine of unilateral intervention
echoes the preventive war speech, enunciated in late 2001 by President
Bush. Clearly Uribe’s action and pronouncement is profoundly influenced
by the dominance that Washington exercises over the Uribe regime’s
policies through its extended $3 billion dollar military aid program and
deep penetration of the entire political-defense apparatus.

Uribe’s offensive military doctrine involves several major policy
propositions:

1.) The right to violate any country’s sovereignty, including the use of
force and violence, directly or in cooperation with local mercenaries.

2.) The right to recruit and subvert military and security officials to
serve the interests of the Colombian state.

3.) The right to allocate funds to bounty hunters or “third parties” to
engage in illegal violent acts within a target country.

4.) The assertion of the supremacy of Colombian laws, decrees and
policies over and against the sovereign laws of the intervened country.

The Uribe doctrine is clearly a blatant repetition of Washington’s
imperialist global pronouncements. Uribe’s doctrine is directed at
establishing Colombia as a sub-imperialist, regional power subordinated
to US dictates. While the immediate point of aggression involves
Colombia’s relations to Venezuela, the Uribe doctrine lays the basis for
unilateral military intervention anywhere in the hemisphere. Uribe’s
doctrine is a threat to sovereignty of any country in the hemisphere:
its intervention in Venezuela and the justification provides a precedent
for future aggression.

Recent Precedents for Unilateral Intervention

The Uribe Doctrine is not original – it is an imitation of the
pronouncements of the Bush Administration and the Israeli government.
Both governments have provided a pseudo-legal framework for their
extra-territorial intervention in other countries. In the past 5 years,
US Pentagon openly boasts of having “Special Forces” engaged in commando
operations throughout the world involving assassinations of “suspected
terrorists”. The Jewish State has been notorious for its
extra-territorial death squads, some of which have been exposed.

Colombia’s adoption and implementation of the extraterritorial policy as
part of its strategy of unilateral intervention is not coincidental, as
the Colombian security forces have been trained and advised by US and
Israeli secret political police. More directly Washington through its $3
billion dollar military aid program is in a command and control position
within all sectors of the Colombian State and thus able to determine the
security doctrine of the Uribe regime. More important Uribe has been a
long-time, large-scale practitioner of death squad politics prior to his
ascendancy to the Presidency and prior to receiving large scale US aid.
By borrowing the Bush Doctrine from his patron-state, Uribe has
internationalized the terror practices which he has pursued for the past
20 years within Colombia.

Prior to the recent spate of high profile trans-border kidnapping
(Trinidad in Ecuador, Granda in Venezuela), the Uribe regime has engaged
in frequent interventions, kidnapping and assassinating popular leaders
and soldiers from bordering countries, and providing material and
political support to would-be ‘golpistas’, especially in Venezuela.
Dozens of Colombian refugees fleeing marauding death squads have been
pursued into Venezuela and killed or kidnapped over the past three years
by Colombian paramilitary and security forces. Six Venezuelan soldiers
were killed by Colombian security forces in an “unexplained” incident.
More recently, in 2004, over 130 Colombian paramilitary forces and other
irregulars were infiltrated into Venezuela to engage in terrorist
violence – to trigger action by Venezuelan-US coup-makers. Shortly
thereafter Colombian security forces and the US CIA intervened in
Ecuador to kidnap a former peace negotiator of the FARC, Colombia’s
major guerrilla group.

What is new and more ominous is that the Uribe regime’s de facto policy
of extra-territoriality has been converted into a de jure strategic
doctrine of unilateral military intervention. Colombia no longer
pretends to be engaged in a “covert” selective policy of violating other
countries sovereignty but has publicly declared the supremacy of its
laws and the right to apply them anywhere in the world where it
unilaterally declares its case for national security. Colombia’s gross
violations of Venezuelan and Ecuadorian sovereignty is a policy clearly
endorsed and dictated at the highest levels of the Colombian State –
exclusively the prerogative of President Uribe – and endorsed at the
highest level of the US government by its principal diplomatic
spokesperson in Colombia, Ambassador Woods (“We endorse Uribe’s action
100%”). The ‘Granda incident’ is not simply an isolated diplomatic
incident which can be resolved through good faith bilateral
negotiations. The kidnapping is part of a larger strategy involving
preparations – ideological, political and military – for a large-scale,
political-military confrontation with Venezuela.

Purpose of the Uribe Doctrine

The enunciation and practice of the Uribe Doctrine has several purposes.
One is in line with US imperialist and Colombian elite policy: To
overthrow the Chavez regime in order to eliminate opposition to US
worldwide and regional imperial domination. Chavez opposes the US wars
in Iraq and Afghanistan as well as its plans to invade Iran. In Latin
America, Chavez opposes the US-dominated Free Trade of the Americas
Pact. Secondly the Uribe doctrine seeks to destroy Cuban-Venezuelan
trade ties, in order to undermine the Cuban revolutionary government.
Thirdly the Uribe doctrine is aimed at maintaining Venezuela as an
exclusive oil exporter to the US – at a time when the Chavez government
has signed trade agreements to diversify its oil markets to China and
elsewhere. Fourthly, and most probably most important from the strict
perspective of the Uribe regime’s survival, the Colombian government is
profoundly disturbed by the positive social impact which the Chavez
welfare policies have on the majority of Colombians living in poverty,
especially his newly announced agrarian reform, and his defense of
national public enterprises (especially the state petroleum company)
within the framework of free and democratic institutions. Uribe’s
austerity policies, his military and paramilitary forces displacement of
3 million peasants, his promotion of greater and greater concentration
of wealth and the slashing of social services, and worse, the systematic
long-term large-scale violations of human and democratic rights stand in
polar opposition to Venezuela under President Chavez which provides a
viable, accessible and visible alternative easily understood by vast
numbers of Colombians who migrate to Venezuela. By intervening in
Venezuela, by supporting US and its local coup-makers, Uribe hopes to
undercut the political appeal of revolutionary politics, whether it
takes the form of electoral, guerrilla and /or social movements.

The most immediate purpose of the Uribe doctrine is to defeat the 20,000
person guerrilla armies which control or influence half of Colombia’s
territory. The purpose of the recent interventions is to pressure
neighboring governments to ally themselves with the Colombian
death-squads in a regional campaign to resolve the Colombian elites
internal problems – i.e. the decimation of the opposition to US regional
domination. The bombastic “anti-terror” international propaganda
campaign of the Uribe regime is an admission of the failure of its
internal counter-insurgency campaign. Uribe’s accusations that the
Venezuelan State is “protecting” or “providing sanctuary to terrorists”
is patently false. Uribe provides no systematic evidence. The real
purpose is to blackmail the Venezuelan state – or its weakest and most
malleable sectors – into abdicating their role as a neutral peace
mediators and submitting to the dictates of the Colombian-US security
apparatus.

Terrorism: Propaganda and Practice

The Uribe regime has been universally recognized as one of the worst
practitioners of state terrorism in the world throughout the new
millennium. Tens of thousands of peasants, social and human rights
activists, trade unionists and journalists have been murdered by the
security forces – the military directly, or via the state financed
paramilitary groups. Every day of every year, scores of peasants and
critics of the regime are murdered. State terror is the defining
characteristic of the Uribe regime and its US military advisory and
military mission. Yet in true totalitarian fashion, the terrorist
executioner accuses the victim of the crimes committed against them.

Uribe who sends 130 paramilitary forces to terrorize Venezuela, supports
a failed violent coup and then provides asylum and material support to
the exiled senior members of the coup and who blatantly bribes
Venezuelan soldiers to betray their country to perpetuate a kidnapping,
accuses Chavez of harboring terrorists and calls for an “international
conference” on “terrorism”. Uribe’s purpose in calling for a regional
conference is not to discuss the state terrorism which is endemic to and
embedded in his regime (with US backing), but to justify the Uribe
doctrine of unilateral intervention and to mobilize other regional US
clients in support of its internal war and to pressure the Chavez regime
to subordinate itself to Colombia’s security doctrine. 

Chavez has recognized the growing security threat posed by the
kidnapping and has terminated state-to-state economic and military
projects and recalled his ambassador from Bogotá. He has proposed to
Uribe a bi-lateral meeting of heads of state to resolve differences with
regard to the kidnapping and related incidents. No amount of diplomatic
maneuvering on the part of Venezuela’s foreign ministry nor aggressive
propaganda campaign by the Colombian security state can obviate the fact
that the Colombian state following its own interests and those of the US
imperial state is bent on a course of direct military confrontation with
Venezuela.

Implication of Uribe Doctrine

The political and military implications of the Uribe Doctrine are an
extreme departure from the recognized norms of international law and
closely approximate the belligerent practices of imperial satraps. If
all countries were the apply the Uribe Doctrine we would face a world of
constant wars, conquests and prolonged liberation struggles throughout
Latin America.

A state of permanent belligerency is explicit in the Uribe Doctrine’s
claim to militarily intervene across national borders in pursuit of its
revolutionary opposition. This policy means that each and every Latin
American country must limit its sovereignty according to the Colombian
definitions of “national security”. This is clearly unacceptable to any
independent country, like Venezuela, though the Gutierrez regime in
Ecuador has accepted to be a “second level client” , a client of the
Uribe regime which in turn is a client of the US.

Equally serious, the Uribe Doctrine rejects recognized frontier, meaning
that it permits itself the right to cross national boundaries at will
without consulting the countries whose borders it violates. It is a
short step from not recognizing borders and national boundaries to
annexing adjacent regions for “security” or economic reasons. Colombia
has in the recent past (1992) nearly provoked a major war by sending its
warships into Venezuelan waters. Uribe’s notion of an international
ideological war without frontiers is an exact replica of the Bush
imperial project, translated into the Andean region. Clearly Uribe
aspires to play a sub-imperial role in the Northern region of South
America under US tutelage.

The Uribe Doctrine stands as a stark rejection of all United Nation’s
principles and in violation of international law—which, however, has
already been weakened by the acquiescence of most of the major Latin
American countries in the US-led invasion of Haiti, the kidnapping of
its elected leader (President Bertrand Aristide) and the presence of
Latin American colonial occupation forces on the island.

Finally the Uribe Doctrine serves to advance joint military operation
betweens the US and Colombia armed forces as the forward shield for
consolidating US imperial power in Latin America. Washington’s cynical
100% “endorsement” of Uribe’s intervention belies the fact that this was
a joint activity, sanctioned and approved by the US military and special
forces officials which operate throughout the Colombian Defense
Ministry.

Venezuela-Colombia: National or Class Struggle?

The Colombian threat to Venezuela’s sovereignty is seen by the
Venezuela’s rightwing opposition as a welcome intervention. Having
failed in all of its violent and unconstitutional efforts to overthrow
President Chavez, the bourgeois opposition is prepared to accept
reactionary Colombian hegemony in exchange for eliminating their class
enemy, the Chavista movement. This was crystal clear in the
Congressional debates following the kidnapping of Granda: The opposition
congress-people condemned the Venezuelan government’s defense of
national sovereignty and justified Uribe’s intervention in Venezuela.
When one Chavista congressperson, Luis Tascon, called the opposition’s
defense of Uribe “treason”. This can have a deeper meaning: that the
class interests of the Venezuelan bourgeois are more important than any
loyalty to their country of birth.

The idea of a “national patriotic front” against Colombian aggression,
put forth by some Chavista Congress-people, was dramatically
demonstrated to be an illusion. The Venezuelan bourgeoisie chooses its
political alignments on the basis of class and pro-imperialist loyalties
not on the basis of patriotic appeals. The only consequential defenders
of Venezuelan sovereignty are found in the great mass of urban poor,
class-conscious workers and progressive lower middle classes in
Venezuela and among their counterparts in Colombia. Real life
demonstrates that the conflict is not between “Colombians” and
“Venezuelans” but between the patriotic workers and peasants of
Venezuela and their enemies among the Colombian elites and their
auxiliaries among the traitorous Venezuelan bourgeoisie (los
esqualidos). The Venezuelan bourgeois represents a “Trojan Horse” in
case of an invasion from Colombia and the US. Today they support Uribe’s
felonious kidnapping of Granda, tomorrow they would become the fifth
column saboteurs backing an invasion.

Colombia: A Strategic Client of the US Empire

Washington has provided more military aid to Colombia than all the rest
of Latin America combined, and only second to Israel in the world. The
US strategy revolves around defeating the massive and influential
guerrilla movement as a first step toward consolidating power in the
Andean region and the upper Amazon basin. Once secured this region would
become a springboard toward invading and taking over Venezuela and its
oil fields and dealing a severe blow to the revolutionary government in
Cuba. The US, through Uribe, has tripled the size of the Colombian armed
forces over the past few years to over 267,ooo troops. It has vastly
increased its aerial firepower (combat helicopters and fighter planes)
and provided the most advanced technological weaponry to detect and
track guerrilla movements. Yet the strategy, while massacring thousands
of peasant sympathizers and displacing millions of others, has failed to
gain any strategic military advantage over the guerrillas. As long as
the Colombian regime is tied down by the guerrilla resistance, it can
only play a limited role in any military invasion of Venezuela. For
Uribe to engage in a US-sponsored invasion of Venezuela is a very risky
proposition opening a large swathe of territory for a guerrilla
offensive. Engaging in a war on two fronts (East and West) is a risky
proposition as Hitler learned during the Second World War and Bush is
being taught today in the Middle East. 

The kidnapping of Granda is only the “dress rehearsal” of a larger
project of escalating provocations to test the loyalty, discipline and
effectiveness of the Venezuelan security system. Washington is probing
to see how far it can push Venezuela in surrendering its sovereignty and
control over its borders.

President Chavez’ forthright decision to break economic and military
relations, recall its ambassador and demand that Uribe renounce the
policy of unilateral intervention (framed in the diplomatic language of
asking for an apology) was a serious blow to this kind of incremental or
step-by-step[p intervention leading to invasion.

Uribe and Washington’s effort to drive a wedge between the popular
resistance in Colombia and the Chavez government by using the “terrorist
issue” as a political club has, in part, backfired – it has instead
aroused a powerful undercurrent of nationalist sentiment in Venezuela,
while seriously jeopardizing important sectors of the Colombian economy,
including elite classes which normally back Uribe. Washington and
Uribe’s proposal for an international conference to discuss the issue of
terror is based on their recognition that most of the Latin American
regimes today are eager to serve US imperial interests. During the
previous period of sustained economic and political warfare against the
elected Chavez government by the authoritarian right, Brazil’s Celso
Amorin organized a group of countries calling themselves “The Friends of
Venezuela” made up of hostile neo-liberal Ibero-Americans leaders,
including ex-Presidents Aznar of Spain and Bush of the US (who both
supported the failed military coup), Fox of Mexico and Lagos of Chile
(notorious free marketers) and, of course, Brazil which gave equal
political standing to the Venezuelan rightwing opposition as to the
elected government. Chavez rightly rejected the mediation of such
“friends”.

Today Lula offers his services once again to “mediate” between an
international aggressor and a sovereign country. Except for Cuba, not a
single Latin American client regime has condemned Uribe’s aggression or,
worse, spoken out clearly in opposition to his doctrine of
extra-territoriality. President Chavez is clearly aware of the pitfalls
of meeting in an “international summit” dominated by hostile
neo-liberal, pro-empire regimes that have already accepted and submitted
to the Bush-Uribe anti-terrorist doctrine.

Chavez is absolutely correct to counterpoise the notion of a bilateral
forum in which the focus is on Colombia’s intervention and hegemonic
pretensions, where the issues of Uribe’s brutal policy of state
terrorism could become part of the public debate on “terrorism”. Of
course, Washington will “advise” Uribe to refuse. Chavez could then
advise his foreign minister to take the matter to the UN General
Assembly as a matter of urgent importance of peace, security and
national sovereignty. Chavez has already retaliated to continued US
overt aggression by signing oil export and investment agreements with
China, Russia, Latin America and Europe. Shutting off imports of
Colombian agricultural imports could stimulate a more intensified effort
to promote local agricultural production, push for a more expeditious
agrarian reform and greater public investment in local food production.

The kidnapping of Granda and the subverting of a few Venezuelan
officials can serve as a wake-up call for the Venezuelan leadership to
the real threats to national sovereignty which emanate from the
US-backed Uribe doctrine. The threat is real, it is systemic and it is
immediate. President Uribe has the backing of an imperial power but
Chavez has the backing of the overwhelming majority of Venezuelans and
the fact that they will be willing to fight to defend their land, their
government and their right to live as a sovereign people. The question
of Venezuelan sovereignty is now not simply a question of diplomatic
maneuvers but of organizing the mass of the Venezuelans into becoming a
formidable military deterrent to any armed aggression.

-- 
Americans need to face the truth about themselves, no matter how
pleasant it is. -- Jeane Kirkpatrick



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