Regardless of what one thinks about sending prisoners, most of whom
were never charged with any crime, abroad to certain torture, this is
assurance straight from the horse's mouth, that the rendition program
is not some rogue CIA operation but one sanctioned at the highest
levels of the White House.

David Bier
03/12/2005

http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/11/opinion/11scheuer.html

March 11, 2005
OP-ED CONTRIBUTOR
A Fine Rendition
By MICHAEL SCHEUER

Washington

AS Congress and the news media wail about the Central Intelligence
Agency's "rendition" program - its practice of turning suspected
terrorists over for detainment and questioning in third countries - it
is time to focus on the real issue at hand. A good starting place is
Page 127 of the tablets on which are inscribed the scripture handed
down by the 9/11 commission.

Here we find a description of a 1998 conversation between National
Security Director Samuel Berger and his counterterrorism chief,
Richard Clarke, about the capture of Abu Hajer al Iraqi, the "most
important bin Laden lieutenant captured thus far." According to the
report, Mr. Clarke commented to Mr. Berger "with satisfaction that
August and September had brought the 'greatest number of terrorist
arrests in a short period of time that we have ever arranged or
facilitated.' " Part and parcel of this success, the men make clear,
were the renditions of captured Qaeda terrorists.

Neither Mr. Clarke nor Mr. Berger were C.I.A. officers. They were
senior White House officials who - in consultation with President Bill
Clinton - set America's Al Qaeda policy from 1993 to 2001. They told
the C.I.A. what to do, and decided how it should pursue, capture and
detain terrorists. They knew that Abu Hajer al Iraqi was being brought
to the United States for trial, and they knew - and approved - of the
rendition of his compatriots to Egypt and elsewhere. Having failed to
find a legal means to keep all the detainees in American custody, they
preferred to let other countries do our dirty work.

Why does this matter? Because it makes clear that in dealing with
detainees in 1998, and today as well, the C.I.A. is following orders
from the president and his National Security Council advisers.
Likewise, in 1998 and today, the agency is executing operations under
those orders only after they are approved by a vast cohort of lawyers
at the security council, the Justice Department and the C.I.A. itself.

I know this because, as head of the C.I.A.'s bin Laden desk, I started
the Qaeda detainee/rendition program and ran it for 40 months. And in
my 22 years at the agency I never a saw a set of operations that was
more closely scrutinized by the director of central intelligence, the
National Security Council and the Congressional intelligence
committees. Nor did I ever see one that was more blessed (plagued?) by
the expert guidance of lawyers.

For now, the beginning of wisdom is to acknowledge that the non-C.I.A.
staff members mentioned above knew that taking detainees to Egypt or
elsewhere might yield treatment not consonant with United States legal
practice. How did they know? Well, several senior C.I.A. officers,
myself included, were confident that common sense would elude that
bunch, and so we told them - again and again and again. Each time a
decision to do a rendition was made, we reminded the lawyers and
policy makers that Egypt was Egypt, and that Jimmy Stewart never
starred in a movie called "Mr. Smith Goes to Cairo." They usually
listened, nodded, and then inserted a legal nicety by insisting that
each country to which the agency delivered a detainee would have to
pledge it would treat him according to the rules of its own legal system.

So as the hounding of C.I.A. and the calls for its officers' blood
continue, a few things must be made clear - all the more so if the
government is really considering the renditions of many detainees now
held at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba. First, the agency is peculiarly an
instrument of the executive branch. Renditions were called for,
authorized and legally vetted not just by the N.S.C. and the Justice
Department, but also by the presidents - both Mr. Clinton and George
W. Bush. In my mind, these men and women made the right decision -
America is better protected because of renditions - but it would have
been better if they had not lacked the bureaucratic and moral courage
to work with Congress to find ways to bring all detainees to America.

Second, the rendition program has been a tremendous success. Dozens of
senior Qaeda fighters are today behind bars, no longer able to plot or
participate in attacks. Detainee operations also netted an untold
number of computers and documents that increased our knowledge of Al
Qaeda's makeup and plans.

Third, if mistakes were made, like the alleged cases of innocent
detainees, they should be corrected, but the C.I.A. officers who
followed orders should not be punished. Perfection is never attainable
in the fog of war, and any errors should not distract from the
overwhelming success of the program.

All Americans owe a debt of gratitude to the men and women of the
agency who executed these presidentially requested and approved
operations, often at the risk of their lives. Unfortunately, rather
than receiving thanks, the C.I.A. officers are again learning the
usual lesson: to follow orders, make America safer and prepare to be
abandoned and prosecuted when the policy makers refuse to defend their
own decisions.

Michael Scheuer is the author of "Imperial Hubris: Why the West Is
Losing the War on Terror."





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