Deporting gangsters, criminals and terrorists just shifts (temporarily) the
problem to someone else.  It is no solution.

Bruce

Gang World

Foreign Policy

March/April 2005

by Andrew V. Papachristos | Mar 01 '05

Street gangs are proliferating around the world. The United States has
unwittingly spurred this phenomenon by deporting tens of thousands of
immigrants with criminal records each year. But that only partly explains
how gangs went global. Credit also goes to the Internet, where gangs are
staking out turf and spreading their culture online. Gang members may have
never heard of globalization, but it is making them stronger.

It's a cold winter day in Chicago, and Hector is doing what he does almost
every day, standing on his drug spot "serving" customers. Hector, a
19-year-old member of the Latin Kings street gang, is the son of Mexican
immigrants. He speaks Spanglish skillfully, mixed with urban slang, and
wears a uniform typical of the youth in his neighborhood-puffy coat, baggy
jeans, and meticulously clean, white athletic shoes (in a city where snow
salt decimates entire wardrobes). Hector has never traveled outside of
Chicago and only rarely ventures beyond a three-mile radius of his
apartment.

Hector stands at the end of a long and familiar global commodity chain. The
little plastic bags in his palm contain $10 chunks of crack cocaine that
look like jagged, disfigured sugar cubes. By the time the crack hits the
streets of Chicago, it has been touched by more than a dozen people in three
countries. Hector has no interest in its global supply chain. His daily
concerns and activities center on a few city blocks, his aspirations
reaching just as far. The majority of Hector's day is spent doing what other
19-year-olds do-sleeping, hanging out with friends, trying to talk to
teenage girls, playing video games, and standing on the street corner
laughing. He sells drugs for only a few hours a day, going home with around
$50 profit, little more than he'd make working at McDonald's.

Hector's image-that of a young, minority, "inner-city," male gang member-is
transmitted, exploited, and glamorized across the world. The increasing
mobility of information via cyberspace, films, and music makes it easy for
gangs, gang members, and gang wannabes to get information, adapt
personalities, and distort gang behaviors. Most often, these images of gang
life are not simply exaggerated; they're flat-out wrong. Flashy cars,
diamond rings (real ones, at least), and wads of cash are not the gang world
norm. Hustling to make ends meet, trying to put food on the table while
staying out of jail, wearing the same T-shirt and blue jeans until they have
holes in them, and dealing with the humdrum of school, unemployment, and
child support are more typical.

Nonetheless, two images of street gangs dominate the popular
consciousness-gangs as posses of drug-dealing thugs and, more recently,
gangs as terrorist organizations. Although the media like to link gangs and
drugs, only a small portion of all gangs actually deal in them. Fewer do so
in an organized fashion. The National Youth Gang Center (NYGC) estimates
that 34 percent of all U.S. gangs are actively involved in organized drug
dealing. Gangs that do sell drugs essentially fill a void in the
postindustrial urban economy, replacing the manufacturing and unskilled
labor jobs that traditionally served as a means for social mobility.

Similarly, the name Jose Padilla is inevitably followed by two epithets-al
Qaeda terror suspect and street gang member. The link between the two is
extremely misleading. Padilla was arrested at Chicago's O'Hare International
Airport in June 2002, reportedly en route to detonate a "dirty bomb" in a
U.S. city. But, as with drug dealing, most gangs lack the organizational
wherewithal to operate transnational clandestine networks. Instead, most
gangs engage in what one criminologist calls "cafeteria-style" crime-a
little bit of drug use, a smattering of larceny, a dab of truancy, a dollop
of fighting, and so on. Padilla's attempted terrorist act had little to do
with his gang affiliation.

That said, there have been a handful of extreme examples that suggest that
some gangs do in fact have the global reach necessary to commit terrorist
acts. In 1986, the Chicago-based El Rukns conspired to commit terrorist acts
on U.S. soil on behalf of the Libyan government, in exchange for $2.5
million. [see sidebar.] In the 1990s, the Latin Kings funneled money to the
FALN, a militant group based in Puerto Rico, through ties that were
cultivated inside the U.S. prison system. And, most recently, leaders of the
Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) gang, which operates in at least 31 states and
three countries, met in Honduras with Adnan el-Shukrijumah, a key al Qaeda
leader, to discuss smuggling immigrants into the United States via Mexico.

One of the most urgent challenges for policymakers is distinguishing between
the average street gang and groups that operate as criminal networks. Until
recently, gang membership was a common part of city boyhood and not terribly
detrimental. Members left as they got married, got a job, enlisted in the
military, or simply grew out of gang behaviors. But, as cities have changed,
so have gangs. The globalization of the world economy, and the resulting
exodus of manufacturing jobs from developed urban centers to the developing
world, has left poor neighborhoods geographically and socially isolated. Not
surprisingly, street gangs and gang violence have increased dramatically
with globalization. Today, gangs serve as de facto protectors, families, and
employers. Members are staying in gangs longer, young women are increasingly
involved, and gangs are now reported in all 50 U.S. states and in countless
countries.

Globalization and street gangs exist in a paradox: Gangs are a global
phenomenon not because the groups themselves have become transnational
organizations (although a few have), but because of the recent hypermobility
of gang members and their culture. At the same time that globalization
isolates neighborhoods heavily populated by gangs, it also helps spread gang
activity and culture. Gangs have, in a sense, gone global.

Gangsters Without Borders

Gangs exist in 3,300 cities across the United States-essentially, any
municipality with a population of more than 250,000 people-and in a growing
number of small towns and rural areas. This figure is about a 433 percent
increase from estimates in the 1970s, when gangs were reported in roughly
200 cities. The NYGC estimates that today there are more than 731,500 gang
members in 21,500 different gangs in the United States. Such proliferation
is not confined geographically. Gangs and other violent "youth groups" have
been reported in France, Greece, South Africa, Brazil, the Netherlands,
Spain, Germany, Belgium, Britain, Jamaica, Mexico, Canada, Japan, China,
Australia, and elsewhere.

A common myth used to explain such proliferation is that gangs "migrate" in
search of new members, turf, or criminal opportunities. Although that is
true in the rare cases of groups like the Latin Kings and MS-13, very little
evidence suggests that gang proliferation is associated with calculated
entrepreneurial ambitions. A more plausible explanation is that when people
move, they take their culture with them. For example, Trey, a member of
Chicago's massive Gangster Disciples, moved to a small town in Arkansas
where his brother, who is not a gang member, had found a job. Although Trey
tried to "go legit," he soon found that his status as a Gangster Disciple
from the housing projects of Chicago gave him a formidable reputation in
small-town Arkansas. Within nine months, he started a new Gangster Disciples
"chapter" with 15 members. But this new gang had no formal connection with
the group in Chicago.

The same trend is occurring internationally, particularly in Latin America
and Asia. In a recent survey of more than 1,000 gang members, the National
Gang Crime Research Center found that about 50 percent of gang members
believed that their gang had international connections. Analysis conducted
by this author suggests the rate is considerably higher for Hispanic (66
percent) and Asian (58 percent) gang members, who are more likely to be
immigrants.

The movement of gang members overseas not only spreads gang culture but also
helps to establish links between gang members in different countries. When
Lito, a member of Hector's Latin Kings gang, ran into trouble with the law
in Chicago, his family sent him to live with an aunt in Mexico. There, he
quickly became a go-between for gang members in the United States looking to
avoid detection and for Mexican immigrants searching for jobs in the United
States. The Latin Kings, in fact, turned these connections into a lucrative
business by manufacturing fake ID cards. A 1999 investigation of several
Latin Kings recovered 31,000 fraudulent ids and travel documents.

Of course, gang members do not always travel overseas as a matter of free
will. Since the mid-1990s, U.S. immigration policy has dramatically boosted
the proliferation of gangs throughout Latin America and Asia by deporting
tens of thousands of immigrants with criminal records back to their home
countries each year, including a growing number of gang members. In 1996,
around 38,000 immigrants were deported after committing a crime; by 2003,
the number had jumped to almost 80,000. Often, gang members have spent
nearly their entire lives in the United States. But once they run afoul of
the law, their immigrant status leaves them vulnerable to deportation.

The countries that receive the flood of deportees are usually ill-equipped
to deal with so many returning gang members. Although estimates vary,
experts believe that there are now nearly 100,000 gang members spread across
Central America and Mexico. In 2003, the United States deported more than
2,100 immigrants with criminal records to the Dominican Republic. The same
year, nearly 2,000 were deported to El Salvador. The U.S. government does
not keep track of how many of these criminal deportees are gang members, but
many Latin American states see a connection and say gangs are now one of
their biggest threats to national security. In 2003, Honduras, El Salvador,
Guatemala, Panama, and Mexico agreed to work together to find new ways to
beat the challenges gangs pose.

It's not as though many gang members wish to remain in the countries of
their birth. With little or no connection to their new homes, deported gang
members typically face a simple choice: either find a way to return to the
United States or seek protection from local gang members. In the case of
ms-13, the U.S. government has deported hundreds of members, many of whom
continue to illegally migrate back and forth, often carrying goods or people
with them. Those that remain in their home countries are almost sure to
connect with other deported gang members, and authorities in these countries
say they are responsible for a large upswing in crime and violence. In a
sense, U.S. immigration policy has amounted to unintentional state-sponsored
gang migration. Rather than solving the gang problem, the United States may
have only spread it.

The Virtual Street Corner

A search for particular gang slogans or phrases on any major search engine
uncovers Web sites with gang manifestos, bylaws, pictures, symbols, and,
yes, even turf. The Internet provides a new platform for gang warfare, and
cyberspace is serving as an outlet for activities that could lead to
violence if attempted on the street, such as "disrespecting" rival gangs,
making claims of superiority, or disclosing gang secrets. Reputations are
developed through verbal combat with vague, often anonymous, rivals.
Individual gangs flaunt their Internet savvy by posting complex Web sites,
including some with password protection. Entire Web sites are dedicated to
celebrating the history and cultural icons of individual gangs, including
internal documents, prayers, and photos. But, unlike exchanges in the real
world, virtual spats rarely lead to actual violence.

Still, few gang members ever discuss or mention the Internet. Many don't
possess the hardware, software, or technical skills (not to mention the
necessary telephone lines) to manage the Web. Most gang-related Web activity
appears to come from gang members who have moved beyond their neighborhood,
perhaps to attend college, or gang members and wannabes in suburbs or
smaller towns. On the Internet, it's easy to co-opt the identity of
well-known, mythic gangs.

A now defunct Web site of a gang calling itself "The Black Gangster
Disciples," after the notorious Chicago gang, contained several pages of
gang prayers, oaths, and other sensitive organizational materials. The Web
page's guest book was a virtual street corner where surfers gave shout-outs
(salutations or greetings) or disses (slanderous remarks) toward the group.
Ironically, the site also contained a picture of the gang-a group of white,
adolescent males flashing gang signs (the wrong ones, I might add), in
someone's well-furnished basement.

Such digital proliferation has unlimited global potential. Police in the
Netherlands have identified groups using the names of California-based
gangs, such as the "Eight Tray Crips." But these exported gangs miss the
hyperlocal point of their namesakes-the "Black" in the Black Gangster
Disciples was added during the 1960s as the gang identified with civil
rights activity on Chicago's South Side; "Eight Tray" refers to specific
streets in California. Neither of these copycat gangs is able to,
geographically or historically, live the local meaning found in the names of
their gangs.

This proliferation of gangs on the Net might give the false impression that
they are now soliciting members across the globe. The anonymity of
cyberspace might build up the egos or reputations of people pretending to be
something they are not, giving psychological reasons to seek other gang
outlets or create them where none exist. Of course, it is possible that some
of the more sophisticated gangs may already be exploiting cyberspace for
illicit purposes, such as arranging drug deals or transferring illegal
funds. Although it is impossible to stop gangs and gang members from posting
Web pages, differentiating between the banal and the potentially dangerous
virtual gang activity will be an important task in the years ahead. Gangs
will no doubt take advantage of technological advances. The difficult part
is figuring out what is real and what is not.

Is Globalization Just A Word?

Street gangs are proliferating. What comes next depends in part on how
globalization continues to affect our cities and how we deal with its
consequences. As the global economy creates a growing number of
disenfranchised groups, some will inevitably meet their needs in a gang.

Criminal organizations such as the Gangster Disciples, Crips, Bloods, ms-13,
and Latin Kings are dangerous entities. But these groups are an anomaly in
the gang world; they represent the worst of what gangs can become, not what
most gangs are. Treating all gang members like mafia kingpins or terrorist
masterminds is overestimating people who, more often than not, are petty
delinquents. At their core, gangs are not just a criminal justice problem;
they are a social problem. One of the biggest challenges is reintroducing an
offender into a community. Labels such as "ex-offender" and "gang member"
follow people throughout their lives, making it next to impossible for
someone to make a fresh start. Scores of gang members go through the
revolving criminal justice door and return to communities that offer no
viable employment opportunities. In some prisons, gang members are trained
for jobs that are not available when they are released.

No amount of law enforcement will rid the world of gangs. Strategies at all
levels must move beyond simple arrest and incarceration to consider the
economic structures of the cities and neighborhoods that breed street gangs.
Otherwise, there will be nothing there to greet them but the waiting and
supportive arms of the gang.

For Hector, globalization is just a word. It means nothing to him. It's
possible that he has never even heard it. And it's certain he never sees
globalization's benefits or associates its forces with his everyday life. On
this cold winter day, I ask Hector where he thinks the drugs he sells come
from. He laughs. "Man, what do I care? All I care is that the shit gets
here," he says, stomping his feet to stay warm. A block away, I hear another
gang member shouting, "Rocks and blow." The Latin Kings are open for
business.

SIDEBAR

When Gangs Go Bad

The El Rukns represent the worst of what gangs can become. Originally known
as the Blackstone Rangers, the gang emerged in the late 1950s on Chicago's
South Side. Their leader, Jeff Fort, eventually consolidated the Blackstone
Rangers with 21 smaller gangs, creating a powerful organization. In 1968,
Fort was convicted in federal court of embezzling $1.4 million dollars in
anti-poverty grants from churches and community organizations. Rather than
create jobs, as the grants were intended, Fort used the funds to purchase
guns, cars, and drugs. Released from Leavenworth prison in 1976, Fort joined
the Moorish Science Temple of America and converted to Islam. The Blackstone
Rangers then assumed the new identity of the El Rukns (Arabic for "the
foundation of knowledge").

Three high-ranking members of the El Rukns traveled to Libya in March 1986
to broker a deal with military officials in which the gang would commit
"terrorist acts on U.S. soil" in exchange for $2.5 million. Again, the gang
was apparently motivated by a desire for cash and notoriety. In May, a
second meeting between the El Rukns and Libyan officials occurred in Panama.
But upon their return, customs officials searched the luggage of two of the
gang members and turned up documents that contained the vague outlines to
several terrorist plots. Their plans, concocted in Chicago, included
destroying federal buildings, blowing up an airplane, assassinating a
Milwaukee alderman, and simply committing a "killing here or there."

Two months later, the El Rukns purchased a light anti-tank weapon for
$1,800-from an undercover FBI agent. The purchase, as well as the testimony
of informants and conversations recorded on wiretaps, convinced a federal
judge to issue search warrants. Authorities ultimately uncovered the
anti-tank weapon, as well as 32 firearms, including a mac-10 machine gun, a
fully automatic .45-caliber pistol, and several rounds of armor-piercing
bullets. Five senior members of the gang, including Jeff Fort, were
convicted of conspiracy to commit terrorist acts and remain in prison today.
Still, their story shows how a small, seemingly ordinary street gang can
turn into something far more dangerous. -AVP

Andrew V. Papachristos, a Ph.D. student in sociology at the University of
Chicago, has worked with gangs for more than 12 years.

WTKM

For discussion of the cause-and-effect relationship between globalization
and gangs, the proliferation of gang culture via the media and cyberspace,
and the impact of gangs in various nations around the world, see Gangs in
the Global City (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, forthcoming),
edited by John Hagedorn. Useful overviews of gang activity include Irving A.
Spergel's The Youth Gang Problem: A Community Approach (New York: Oxford
University Press, 1995) and The American Street Gang: Its Nature,
Prevalence, and Control (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995), by
Malcolm W. Klein.

Some of the best resources on gangs are found online. The Web site of the
National Gang Crime Research Center offers a wide variety of information,
including profiles of all U.S.-based gangs discussed in this article.
Hagedorn's GangResearch.net contains numerous articles exploring the
relationship between gangs and globalization. The National Youth Gang Center
Web site features surveys of gang activity in the United States.

The U.S. Southern Command monitors the proliferation of gangs in Latin
America. Recent studies include Latin American Gangs: Their Center of
Gravity (Open Source Report 005, Dec. 13, 2004). Ginger Thompson chronicles
the bloody results of recent street gang activity in Honduras in "Tattooed
Warriors: The Next Generation; Shuttling Between Nations, Latino Gangs
Confound the Law" ( New York Times , Sept. 26, 2004). In "'Getting High and
Getting By': Dimensions of Drug Selling Behaviors Among American Mexican
Gang Members in South Texas" ( The Journal of Research in Crime and
Delinquency , February 2004), Avelardo Valdez and Stephen J. Sifaneck
explore the complex intersection of gangs and drugs.

FOREIGN POLICY's award-winning coverage of other forms of cultural
globalization include Kym Anderson's "Wine's New World" (May/June 2003),
Theodore Bestor's "How Sushi Went Global" (November/December 2000), and
Douglas McGray's "Japan's Gross National Cool" (May/June 2002).



Copyright C 2001-2005, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.




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