http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/20/national/20judges.html?

March 20, 2005
In Courts, Threats Have Become a Fact of Life
By DEBORAH SONTAG

Last March, a federal prosecutor in Utah overseeing a racketeering
case against a dozen members of the Soldiers of Aryan Culture received
a chilling threat.

"You stupid bitch!" the letter to the assistant United States
attorney, who is an African-American woman, began. "It is because of
you that my brothers are in jail." The letter went on to mention the
prosecutor's home address, concluding, "We will get you." It was
signed, "Till the casket drops."

After a second threat, a federal magistrate summoned the 12 defendants
to a courtroom in Salt Lake City late last year and informed them that
their family visits and telephone privileges would be suspended.

The men, who are accused of operating a violent criminal enterprise
that peddles white supremacist ideology and methamphetamine inside and
outside Utah's prisons, did not take the news well.

Seated in the jury box because they were too numerous to sit together
at the defense table, the defendants were handcuffed and shackled. But
this did not stop them from leaping to their feet, spewing
profanity-laden protests, spitting, kicking and scuffling with more
than a dozen United States marshals and court security officers.

It was not just another day in an American courtroom, but it was not
an aberration either. Defendants act out. And threats against judges
and prosecutors appear to be a regular, almost routine, part of
courthouse life, not only in highly public emotional cases like that
of Terri Schiavo, the severely brain-damaged woman in Florida whose
feeding tube was removed by court order on Friday, but in
garden-variety disputes, too.

Only federal authorities keep a count of annual threats, but the 700
reported against federal judicial officials alone suggest that the
total made against federal, state and local court officials is much
larger.

In the last decade, too, threats have escalated, especially on the
federal level, where there is a new age of dangerous cases involving
terrorism, international drug trafficking, international organized
crime and gangs. Violent incidents themselves, inside and outside the
courtroom, are not tallied, but they are known to involve an
unpredictable range of defendants, from white supremacists and gang
members to white-collar frauds, batterers and civil litigants.

Court-related violence is a chronic, costly preoccupation for those
inside the system, but it is not one that usually gets much attention.
That concern ratcheted up considerably and went public after the
back-to-back killings of a federal judge's relatives in Chicago and of
a judge, court reporter, sheriff's deputy and federal customs agent in
Atlanta.

The killings, which the authorities say were committed by a
disgruntled plaintiff in Chicago on Feb. 28 and a rape defendant on
March 11 in Atlanta, prompted security reviews at courthouses around
the country, an appeal by federal judges for bolstered security and a
nationwide, soul-searching conversation among judges, prosecutors and
other court officials shaken by the events.

In his annual state of the judiciary speech on Tuesday, Ronald M.
George, chief justice of the California Supreme Court, said the
slayings highlighted "the physical vulnerability of our courts."
Two-thirds of California's courthouses lack adequate security, Chief
Justice George said, relating the story of a rural judge who stacked
law books in front of his bench to protect himself from flying bullets
during an attempted hostage-taking in 1997.

"Courthouses must be a safe harbor to which members of the public come
to resolve disputes that often are volatile," he said. "Once
courthouses themselves are perceived as dangerous, the integrity and
efficacy of the entire judicial process is in jeopardy."

Chief Justice George, as he acknowledged, did not have to go back to
1997 to find an example of courtroom violence in California.

Just the day before, Erick Morales, a gang member on trial for murder
in Los Angeles County, slashed the arm of his court-appointed lawyer
with a razor blade hidden in his mouth. Mr. Morales's wrists were
secured to his waist, but the restraints had been loosened to make
them less visible to jurors, allowing him to spit out the blade, catch
it and cut his lawyer, Linda Wieder, who needed five stitches.

While it might seem counterintuitive that a defendant would attack his
own lawyer, some public defenders say it is commonplace for their
clients to disparage them.

"In any prison, the person most inmates name as responsible for them
being there is 'the dump truck P.D.,' " said David Coleman, the public
defender in Contra Costa County, Calif. "Thus, the razor or weapon
used against a public defender is all too common."

On Tuesday, facing an additional charge of assault with a deadly
weapon, Mr. Morales briefly appeared again in court. He was strapped
at his shoulders, ankles and wrists into what the presiding judge,
Ronald Coen of Los Angeles County Superior Court, called "the Hannibal
Lecter chair," referring to the "Silence of the Lambs" character.

"Over the years, we've seen numerous shanks in the courtroom," Judge
Coen, who specializes in death penalty cases, said in an interview.
"Still, I think we're seeing more bold defendants. When I was a young
lawyer, I didn't see judges getting attacked."

Lethal attacks on judges and prosecutors remain relatively rare, but
they do happen. Three federal judges were assassinated from 1979 to
1989, and two more have been assaulted in the last few years; at least
seven state and local judges have been killed. A nationwide
prosecutors' memorial in Columbia, S.C., contains the names of eight
prosecutors killed from 1967 to 2001 and a ninth is about to be added.

"The numbers killed are small, but the numbers threatened are
relatively high," said Dan M. Alsobrooks, the district attorney in
Charlotte, Tenn., and past president of the National District
Attorneys Association. A 2001 survey by the association found that 81
percent of large state prosecutors' offices reported work-related
threats or assaults that year. And a Justice Department survey
determined that 40 percent of state and local prosecutors felt
threatened in their jobs.

"You take precautions," Mr. Alsobrooks said. "You arm yourself, you
wear a bulletproof vest, you get round-the-clock security."

Threats against federal judicial officials have undergone a "dramatic
increase"' to average about 700 annually in recent years, according to
the United States Marshals Service. The marshals handle security for
all federal judges and courts in the country. In 2004, they provided
protective details for 39 federal judges and prosecutors. This
included round-the-clock protection for two judges in New York City -
Michael B. Mukasey and Kevin T. Duffy - whose involvement in terrorism
trials has forced them to live under protection for more than a decade.

On the state and local levels, where security is weaker, especially in
rural courthouses and in ancillary courts like traffic court and
family court, officials say judges and prosecutors constantly receive
threats.

In New York, there are 120 to 150 cases involving threats against
state-paid judges annually, and that number has varied little over the
last decade, said Ronald Younkins, the chief of operations for the New
York State Unified Court System.

George W. Greer, a state judge in Florida, has been the target of
considerable invective and the recipient of voluminous hate mail and
death threats for ordering the removal of a feeding tube from Ms.
Schiavo. For weeks, sheriff's deputies have kept Judge Greer under
close guard.

Judge John Hill, a senior appellate justice in Texas who was shot in
his courtroom in 1992 during a child custody case, said he worried
about "the general encouragement of ill feeling against the
judiciary." Several other judges also expressed concern about the
sharp language used to denounce so-called activist judges.

"I don't know if it has any effect, but there are a lot of political
attacks on judges today," Judge Hill said.

In San Fernando, Calif., Judge Coen said that he had received numerous
threats, that deputies had moved into his house on several occasions
and that he was habitually security-minded. He has a permit to carry a
concealed weapon. As a "confidential voter," his name and home address
do not appear on voter rolls. He has all his mail sent to his office.

"You don't wear a sign saying, 'I'm a judge,' " he said. "You do your
best not to advertise that fact. Our chief justice made a statement
when I got sworn in 20 years ago. He said, 'With every ruling, a judge
makes one permanent enemy and one temporary friend.' If you go by
that, you have to protect yourself."

White supremacists and gang members are hardly the only ones who
threaten officials. "What we get is a lot of people who look like Mr.
Ross," said Richard D. Eadie, the presiding judge at King County
Superior Court in Seattle. He was referring to Bart Ross, 57, the
electrician who claimed responsibility in a suicide note for the
killings in Chicago of the husband and mother of Judge Joan Humphrey
Lefkow of Federal District Court. "It's a person who has a civil case,
is disturbed by the result, obsesses on the case, focuses on the court
system as the culprit and even on the judge as the villain."

Last fall, Judge Lefkow dismissed a lawsuit in which Mr. Ross sought
to hold doctors responsible for disfiguring him during cancer
treatment. He represented himself "pro se," like many of the
plaintiffs who become unnaturally obsessive about their cases,
according to court officials.

"In a society as litigious as ours, the courtroom has become the
theater for emotional catharsis," said J. Anthony Kline, the presiding
justice of the California Court of Appeals in San Francisco. "Those
threats are greatest that involve disputes over the quotidian events
because they are the ones that stimulate the most intense emotions."

In and of themselves, threats can be potent in destabilizing the
justice system, officials say. In Utah, the federal prosecutor was not
harmed, but the threats were serious enough to force her off the
Soldiers of Aryan Culture case. Federal prosecutors in Idaho have
indicted two people for the threats.

Actual assassination plots, though far rarer, clearly shake up the
system, too. Consider the case of Amr Mohsen, a Silicon Valley
entrepreneur and the defendant in a complicated case arising from a
business rivalry.

It might have seemed unlikely that Mr. Mohsen, the founder of a San
Jose company called Aptix Corporation, would try to hire a hit man to
kill a federal judge who presided over a patent-infringement case.
But, as a result of that civil case, Mr. Mohsen was in jail facing
multiple charges of conspiracy to commit perjury and obstruct justice.
And, according to the government, he did indeed solicit a fellow
inmate to kill the judge - although he quibbled at the asking price of
$25,000, saying he considered $10,000 more reasonable.

The inmate, an informant, caught the conversation on tape.

"So, now, what would you want?" the informant asked Mr. Mohsen,
according to a tape transcript Mr. Mohsen's lawyer provided. "He could
be shot. He could be knifed. He could be blown up or it could look
like, maybe a gas leak in his house or what?"

Mr. Mohsen asked the man which approach would be "the least
traceable," and though he expressed some discomfort with the idea of
killing a judge, he ordered the informant to track the judge's movements.

"I wouldn't want to do it at the courthouse," he said. "Get him when
he's driving around. I'm sure he goes to a golf course or something."

When Mr. Mohsen pleaded not guilty last summer to 23 criminal counts
including solicitation to murder a federal judge, the case had to be
assigned to a judge in Sacramento because the entire San Francisco
bench recused itself from the case.

Most attackers do not issue an explicit threat beforehand, according
to a study of judicial violence done for the United States Secret
Service. But that does not mean that threats can be ignored. Judge
Eadie in Seattle said, "It's very difficult to separate the people who
are just blowing off steam from the people who are building up steam
and will explode eventually."

Contrary to conventional wisdom, the Secret Service study said, most
"near-lethal approachers and the great majority of attackers and
assassins" are not mentally ill. Attacks on public officials are
generally premeditated; the attackers' motives can include the desire
for notoriety and the desire for vengeance. And there is no profile of
a judicial assassin. Would-be assassins run the gamut from
white-collar criminals to cold-blooded killers like Larry Delon Casey,
convicted in 1973 of murdering two children and an 86-year-old woman
in Texas.

For years after he first landed in prison, Mr. Casey sent Bert Graham,
the prosecutor on his case, a Christmas card that said, "Thinking of
you." A few years ago, prison authorities discovered that Mr. Casey
was plotting to kill Mr. Graham, now the first assistant district
attorney in Harris County, and eventually Mr. Casey hired an
undercover police officer to commit the murder.

Mr. Graham acknowledged "shock and concern" when he learned of Mr.
Casey's obsession. "I was surprised he was planning something that
specific," he said. "He was fully capable of following through with
the plan."

Often it takes a murder plot or a violent incident to serve as a
catalyst for enhanced security. After the slayings in Chicago and
Atlanta, court officials across the country are re-examining security
- adding razor wire here, security cameras there - and debating
approaches to security enhancement because many fear turning
courthouses into fortresses. They are also hoping that the current
flash of public interest will shake free some financing.

In Okaloosa County in the Florida Panhandle, however, Judge Thomas T.
Remington of Circuit Court is not optimistic. His motel-like
courthouse in Shalimar is the least secure in the state, he said,
offering nearly unfettered public access.

For eight years, voters have refused to approve a 1-cent sales tax to
help build a new, secure courthouse. "Voters just think it's some
luxury for judges, lawyers and crooks," Judge Remington said.

For a moment after the Atlanta shootings, he allowed himself to hope.
But letters to the editor in the local newspaper proclaimed that the
lethal shootings inside the modern Atlanta courthouse proved that
modern buildings are not safe, either.

Reporting for this article was contributed by Maureen Balleza in
Houston, Duwayne Escobedo in Pensacola, Fla., Carol Pogash in San
Francisco and Eli Sanders in Seattle.






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