Terror Broker 
Bin Laden needed a role in the Iraqi insurgency, and Zarqawi needed outside
support. How a deadly deal was made.

By Sami Yousafzai and Ron Moreau

Newsweek

 

April 11 issue - Hardly anyone was more surprised by Iraq's insurgency than
Osama bin Laden. The terrorist chief had never foreseen its sudden,
ferocious spread, and he was likewise unprepared for the abrupt rise of its
most homicidal commander, Abu Mussab al-Zarqawi. Bin Laden and his aides
knew the Jordanian-born Palestinian from Zarqawi's Afghan days, but mostly
as a short-tempered bully and a troublemaker. So in the late summer of 2003,
unwilling to sit on the sidelines, bin Laden sent two of his most trusted
men to assess the Iraqi resistance and carve out a leading role for Al
Qaeda. "The resistance happened faster than we expected, and differently, so
we were not prepared to assist and direct it," one of the two envoys later
told a senior Tali-ban official. "The sheik sent me to see how we could
help."

The Taliban man recently told the envoy's story to NEWSWEEK. He personally
heard the account from the envoy, a top-ranking Qaeda member known as Abdul
Hadi al-Iraqi, at a meeting last December in western Pakistan. The Taliban
official, who uses the name Zabihullah, is a liaison between his group and
Al Qaeda. Many of the account's details are borne out by interviews with
other well-informed jihadis. Officials familiar with U.S. intelligence,
while refusing to discuss many of the story's specifics, confirm that its
fundamentals are accurate.

The two bin Laden envoys traveled overland from Afghanistan separately. One
never got to Iraq. Authorities in Iran later announced that they had
apprehended the Egyptian-born Saif al-Adel, and he seems to be there still.
Al-Iraqi did better. Those who know him say he fits in perfectly wherever he
goes. Born in Iraqi Kurdistan about 1960, he rose to the rank of major in
Saddam Hussein's Army before joining the jihad in Afghanistan in the late
1980s. He speaks not only Arabic but Urdu, Kurdish, the Waziri tribal
dialect of Pashtu and a courtly form of Persian. In the palatial salons of
the gulf states he has raised millions of dollars for Al Qaeda. But dressed
for the part he can easily pass for a mountain tribesman. "He's just like
any Afghan," says Zabihullah. "He doesn't have the arrogance and formality
of other Arabs."

Al-Iraqi needed all the poise and charm he could muster for his mission to
the insurgents. By the time he reached Iraq, in late 2003, Zarqawi had built
a fearsome team of resistance fighters. The Jordanian considered himself to
be the obvious choice for Al Qaeda's top man in Iraq. He was livid at the
news that bin Laden had chosen al-Iraqi for the job. "I'm already here!"
Zarqawi told al-Iraqi. "So why is the sheik sending someone else?"

No one but Zarqawi could see much mystery there. Zarqawi was widely disliked
in Afghanistan. Even bin Laden was repulsed by reports of his vicious temper
and gratuitous cruelty. In the late 1990s, commanding a unit of Arab
irregulars near Afghanistan's Iranian border, the Jordanian terrorized local
civilians and infuriated Taliban leaders. Mullah Mohammed Omar's men had
just taken control of the area and were trying to win the trust of its
mostly Shiite inhabitants. When Zarqawi wasn't busy persecuting Shiites, he
wrangled with other Arabs and with the local Taliban chief.

Zarqawi had "a terrifying face," al-Iraqi recalled later. But the envoy said
he knew at once that Zarqawi was exactly what Al Qaeda needed. "There is no
-doubt that he is the best man to lead foreign and Iraqi insurgents in
Iraq," al-Iraqi told bin Laden when he got back to the caves, according to
Zabihullah's account. "He deserves our support." The envoy has made three
trips to Iraq since then. Just before the last, in September, a London-based
Arabic-language daily quoted Zarqawi as repudiating bin Laden and Al Qaeda:
"I have not sworn allegiance to the sheik and I am not working within the
framework of his organization." But after meeting again with al-Iraqi, the
Jordanian proclaimed his loyalty to bin Laden and announced a new name for
his terrorist group: "Al Qaeda in the Land of the Two Rivers." "I'm a loyal
soldier and ready to sacrifice myself to the sheik, who is our leader," he
told al-Iraqi.

Bin Laden replied by issuing an audiotape that praised Zarqawi's exploits
and called him the "prince of Al Qaeda in Iraq." The tape instructed all
Qaeda supporters to follow Zarqawi's orders. Bin Laden had already made his
wishes known to Zarqawi via al-Iraqi. "My greatest wish is for you to keep
the resistance alive and growing, to increase the number of local insurgents
and give the Iraqis more decision-making powers," Zarqawi was told. "Make it
as much of an Iraqi organization as possible." Bin Laden also urged his
prince to widen the war against America: "We have to expand our attacks on
the enemy outside Iraq."

The envoy is proud of his work. "I'm the person who broke the silence and
solved the difficulties between Zarqawi and the Al Qaeda leadership," he
told Zabihullah. Donations to Al Qaeda's coffers had dried up as bin Laden's
top men were killed or captured. Now private money is once again flooding
in. Bin Laden himself is looking more confident and relaxed-maybe too
relaxed, al-Iraqi said. When he visited the Qaeda leader in November, the
envoy noticed fewer checkpoints than previously along the trail. "The sheik
has a new mentality and is more healthy," he told Zabi-hullah. On his last
visit to Iraq, the envoy got an offer from Zarqawi: if life got too risky in
the mountains along Pakistan's border, bin Laden would be welcome to take
refuge with him among the insurgents in Iraq. The envoy politely declined.
At present, the Qaeda leader seems to be doing just fine where he is.

With Mark Hosenball in Washington

C 2005 Newsweek, Inc.

URL: http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/7369892/site/newsweek/

 



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