http://www.city-journal.org/html/11_4_our_islamic.html

 

.All these new zealots were brought up in a traditional Muslim way by
parents whose religious views were generally orthodox but not extremist. But
in the 1980s, a new Muslim leadership of mullahs inspired and paid for by
various Islamic powers around the world was entering the country and setting
up bases in Britain, thanks to an immigration-law loophole that allows
religious personnel open-ended permission to stay. Iranian money, Saudi
money from worldwide foundations for the promotion of Islam, was
establishing mosques and setting up madrasas, schools that purvey primitive
religious instruction and teach the Quran by rote. Adolescents attracted to
this new radical preaching, young people whose childhood religious
observances had already set them apart from their British contemporaries,
came under the domination of a stricter observance with the allure of an
ideology. The new mullahs were offering a single-minded, luminously simple
explanation of the cosmos and promising membership in an organization that
would dominate the world. "We carry Islam as a political belief, a complete
system," says Omar Bakri Muhammad, a poisonous cleric who runs a London
Muslim organization. "We don't carry Islam as a religion. It's an ideology."

If you prostrate yourself to an all-powerful and unfathomable being five
times a day, if you are constantly told that you live in the world of Satan,
if those around you are ignorant of and impervious to literature, art,
historical debate, and all that nurtures the values of Western civilization,
your mind becomes susceptible to fanaticism. Your mind rots.

Worse, it can become the instrument of others who send you out on suicidal
missions. Three years ago, the Yemeni police caught eight young men with
plans and equipment to bomb British targets in that country: the offices,
homes, and churches of the British diplomatic and expatriate community. Six
of these young Muslims, all of Pakistani origin, held British passports.
Three were from the Midlands, two from the North, and one from London, the
stepson of a Muslim preacher in the Finsbury Park mosque. The Yemeni courts
tried and convicted them of conspiracy to commit terrorism. 

Their cover stories were pathetic. They said they had gone to Yemen to learn
Arabic: that's like going to Pakistan to learn English. The Foreign Office
in London instructed the British diplomats in Yemen to extend their support
to these citizens. One can imagine the conversation: "I say, old chap, you
didn't really come here to blow me and my children up, did you? Ah well-we'd
better see you safely back to old Blighty, hadn't we?" 

I set out to write about these adventurers at the time. Their wives or
partners-young white women wearing headscarves and ankle-length skirts, like
the Albanian peasants who beg on the London Underground-appealed on TV for
the British government to secure their release. The men in Yemen denied that
their aim was terrorism and begged for their freedom, alleging that the
Yemeni police had tortured and sexually assaulted them. They, their lawyers,
and their families claimed the protection of the British state; and Britain,
accepting an obligation to them as British subjects, made representations on
their behalf to the Yemeni government. Where did these young men, British by
birth and schooling, develop the hatred that would take them to Islamic
guerrilla training camps in Yemen and then on a mission to kill British
diplomats and their families? 

Journalists traced the roots of their mission back to Finsbury Park in north
London, to the mosque situated in a largely Turkish Cypriot area of the city
and to a preacher called Abu Hamza, a one-eyed mullah with a claw, like
Captain Hook's, for a right hand. I asked him where he had lost his hand.
His reply was: "I didn't lose my hand; I gained it." 

I persisted, and he claimed that he had been a mujahid in Afghanistan and
lost his hand in the fighting, though it seemed to me that its amputation
was consistent with the premature explosion of a bomb. He boasted to me that
he had sent young men to training camps. He would not say what they trained
for or where, but his general contention was that, as Muslims, they must
fight for the conversion of the world to Islam. The young men in Yemen were
part of the worldwide jihad. He would not say which one of the professed
worldwide campaigns he was part of. He seemed proud that his own stepson was
involved in the murdering foray into Yemen and said that, if they had gone
to destabilize the Yemeni government, he would not condemn their enterprise.
I pointed out that Yemen was a Muslim country and that these British men and
their Algerian co-conspirators were being tried under Islamic law. His
contention was that any court that did not support the attack on Western
interests in the Middle East was insufficiently Islamic..



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