http://news.ft.com/cms/s/9506bdfe-d1ff-11d9-8c82-0
0000e2511c8,ft_acl=,s01=1.html

US 'losing its grip' on Baghdad's political process
>By Guy Dinmore in Washington
>Published: May 31 2005 19:27 | Last updated: May 31 2005 19:27
>>

Iraq's Sunni Arab insurgency has reached a “kind of
peak”. The Sunni
now realise they erred in boycotting last January's elections
“and so,
as Iraqis see their interests as represented in the political process,
the insurgency will lose steam”.

This sanguine view of the state of affairs in Iraq--as expressed by
Condoleezza Rice, the US secretary of state, in a recent Bloomberg
interview reflects the US administration's struggle to demonstrate
that it remains in control and still has an exit strategy.

In the more sombre assessment of others in the administration,
however, the US has long lost its grip on Iraq's political process.
“We are losing control,” said one veteran Arabist in the
administration who requested anonymity.

He described the US embassy in Baghdad, without an ambassador for
about six months, as “out of the loop” and not involved
in significant
decisions taken by the new transitional government dominated by the
Shia Arab majority.

Geoff Porter, analyst with the Eurasia Group consultancy, said US
interests had been “stymied on most fronts”, with US
officials
frustrated with, and ignorant of, Iraq's fractious politics.
“There is
an air of resignation, with people throwing up their hands that this
will be a long-term process.”

The US is not necessarily staring at defeat. The Iraqis may yet work
out power-sharing arrangements. And to an extent the Bush
administration consciously made an effort to let go before the January
30 legislative elections.

Washington accepted the risk that Iyad Allawi, the prime minister and
US favourite at that time, might not win a place in a new government
and that his vision of a secular Iraq might be thrust aside. In the
event, Mr Allawi was not included, while Ahmed Chalabi, who had fallen
from grace with the US, returned to a senior position by aligning
himself with Grand Ayatollah Ali Sistani, the Shia religious leader.

“We are not picking the people,” Robert Zoellick,
deputy secretary of
state, said following his two recent visits to Baghdad. But the US did
maintain a policy of encouraging an inclusive government, he said. The
US, he reasoned, had passed from the phase of running Iraq, through
encouraging self-government, to the present “very mutual
phase” akin
to the process of “moving along” a World Trade
Organisation agreement.

“The US still has enormous influence in terms of financial
resources
and obviously our military presence. The government knows it needs the
support of the US and also our global reach,” said Mr Zoellick,
formerly the US trade representative. “They have got to
succeed on
their own,” he said of the Iraqi government led by Ibrahim
Jaafari,
“but we have got to work closely with them and make our
suggestions
and prod and push.”

Most US prodding is directed at the process of writing a new
constitution acceptable to all the main ethnic groups: the majority
Shia, minority Sunni and the Kurds.

Already the US has failed to get more than two Sunni legislators
aboard the 55-member parliamentary commission responsible for the
project.

The semblance of US control rests on sticking to the timetable laid
out by Paul Bremer, Iraq's former US administrator, in the
transitional administrative law, or mini-constitution, imposed in
March 2004. That envisages a draft constitution completed by August
15, a referendum on the text by October 15, then parliamentary
elections by December 15. Again, the US has decided not to involve
itself in the detail but aims to uphold principles: a limit to the
authority of Sharia law, protection and inclusion of minority groups
and defence of women's rights.

“The Shia may accept the break-up of Iraq as the price of a
Shia-dominated Arab state,” said Peter Galbraith, a former US
ambassador with close ties to the Kurds, estimating Iraq may hold
together for five more years.

The US, according to Mr Zoellick and other senior US officials, would
be content to have Mr Bremer's TAL forming “the foundation
stone” of
the constitution, making Sharia law one source of authority but not
the only one.

Mr Galbraith said a restatement of the TAL would be acceptable to the
Kurds as a continuation of “de facto independence”,
although there
needed to be clarification of sharing of natural resources, the status
of Kirkuk and the scope of the national army. The US, he said, could
not leave Iraq to its own devices now.

Independent experts aiding the Iraqi government are concerned that the
11 weeks left to draft a constitution are not enough and that the US
and Iraqi parties are rushing to complete the process.

Neil Kritz and Jonathan Morrow of the congressionally funded US
Institute of Peace said it would be very difficult to make the August
15 target date. There should be more time for public consultation,
they said, drawing on the positive experiences of South Africa, where
2m people made submissions. In Cambodia and East Timor, a rushed
constitutional process led to problems later, they said.

Moreover, one senior Kurdish official said the possibility of US
withdrawal in the event of large American losses should not be
discounted: “Bush is solid but you never know with American
politics.”
 
 
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