A sinister nexus?
by Torkel Brekke
Thursday 09 June 2005 9:36 AM GMT

In his speech in the Security Council on 5 February 2003, Colin Powell
presented evidence supporting the case for war against Iraq. He
pointed to a sinister nexus between Iraq and the al Qaeda network:
Ansar al-Islam with mullah Krekar at its head. Krekar had been living
as a refugee in Oslo, Norway, for a number of years while continuing
political and military activities in the Kurdish region of Iraq.

The spring of 2003 turned into something of a nightmare for Norwegian
authorities. They wished to make clear to the US administration that
Norway's participation in the war was impossible.

At the same time, fingers were pointing in their direction; they were
harbouring the leader of an organization thought to be the link
between Saddam Hussein and international terrorism.

Norwegians tend to think of their country as a place securely
separated from the brutal affairs of the world by geographical
isolation and relative geo-political insignificance in the new world
order.

Now they found themselves between the devil and the deep blue sea; or,
rather, between a bearded Kurdish fighter and neo-conservative
war-mongers in Washington DC.

How did Norway react? The authorities wanted to send Krekar out of the
country to get rid of the problem once and for all. But they also
wanted to arrest him.

They did both. In other words, Norway panicked. While the Ministry of
Local Government and Regional Development, through the Norwegian
Directorate of Immigration, worked to build a case for expulsion of
Krekar, the Ministry of Justice and the Police worked to try Krekar
for crimes committed in Iraq. Krekar went in and out prison in the
following years.

In the end, it turned out to be impossible to get Krekar convicted in
Norway. On the other hand, the case for expulsion is firmly
established, although expulsion in practice may be close to impossible
because of the security situation in Iraq.

The Krekar-case is now approaching its conclusion and it is possible
to answer some of the questions raised by the case.

US pressure?

The most interesting questions address the relations between the US
and other states in the context of the war against terrorism and the
war in Iraq.

Of course, Norwegian and US authorities have discussed Krekar on a
number of occasions. Odd Einar Dorum, the Norwegian Minister of
Justice, confirmed that he had talks about Krekar with his US
counterpart, John Ashcroft, in the summer of 2003.

Norwegian newspapers asserted that Washington was getting annoyed with
Norway for not keeping Krekar locked up. After all, he was part of
their argument for the war, the sinister nexus.

Thus, it is reasonable to ask to what extent US authorities put
pressure on Norway to handle the case according to US wishes, and we
might ask to what extent Norway gave in to possible pressure.

Needless to say, Norwegian officials and politicians have always
denied any form of pressure. Perhaps they are telling the truth; so
far, it has been impossible to look at any of the documents relating
to the case in any of the departments concerned.

However, our idea of political pressure should probably cover a bit
more than plain diplomatic and political coercion in a case that was
so bristling with political significance.

In other words, pressure would also be channelled through media and
through public debate reflecting the fear of terrorism perpetrated by
radical Islamic groups.

It is plain that the situation itself entailed pressure; Norway's most
important ally was marching on Baghdad to fight a pre-emptive war
against terrorism and they claimed a refugee in Oslo was part of the
reason. Of course there was pressure.

The question is how Norway reacted to the pressure building up from
the day in January 2003 when Krekar returned to Oslo from a Dutch jail.

First, panic. But as time went by, the institutions of the state
worked as they should. Krekar was arrested a number of times by the
police.

Every time Krekar and his lawyers managed to demonstrate that the case
against him was too weak.

The police faced what turned out to be insurmountable problems
relating to evidence in the case. They spent plenty of resources
interviewing witnesses in Iraqi Kurdistan.

However, the case against Krekar was always torpedoed by the fact that
the police had to rely too heavily on witnesses in the prisons of the
secular PUK, Krekar's greatest enemies in his struggle for an Islamic
state.

Total picture

So, Krekar was never convicted. But in order to understand the total
picture, we need to distinguish between three different processes
against Krekar.

Firstly, the police wanted him convicted on very serious charges of
violent attacks against Iraqi civilians. They did not succeed.

Secondly, other states, Jordan in particular, wanted Krekar
extradited. Jordan wanted to try him for drug offences. I have
personally interviewed Krekar on a couple of occasions and he seems to
find the drug-charges far more outrageous than the other charges
against him.

Krekar has insisted that US authorities are behind the request for
extradition to Jordan; he believes they want him in a jail in a
country where constraints on interrogation procedures are somewhat
less strict. Extradition never went through.

However, it would have been interesting to have a peek at documents
relating to possible extradition, because it must have been tempting
for Norwegian authorities to simply deport the whole problem to
another state.

Thirdly, Krekar was a case for immigration authorities. In this
respect, Krekar's case has two different aspects: asylum and expulsion.

Krekar has enjoyed asylum in Norway, but the Norwegian Directorate of
Immigration has now withdrawn it because Krekar has abused his status
as refugee by travelling widely to the country from where he claimed
he was forced to escape.

Indeed, Krekar has exploited the hospitality of his host nation by
using it as a base to continue his work in Iraq; most Norwegians do
not share the view of one professor of law who compared Krekar to
Norwegian freedom-fighters of the second world war, hiding from Nazis
in Sweden.

Withdrawal of asylum does not necessarily mean expulsion, but in
Krekar's case deportation has been a political goal since 2003.

The Minister of Local Government and Regional Development, Erna
Solberg, wanted to both withdraw Krekar's asylum and expel him. The
case has been handled by the Norwegian Directorate of Immigration.
They have recently concluded the case.

Conclusion

The final conclusion of the immigration authorities is that Krekar
must be expelled, because he is a threat to state security.

In the criminal case against Krekar, it was impossible to assess the
evidence, because it was secret.

However, the immigration authorities base much of their assessment on
open sources and some of their documents are available on request.
These documents testify to a general lowering of the threshold for
being defined as a threat.

To some extent, Krekar is perceived as a threat to state security by
membership in a radical Islamic organization and by holding certain
religious and political ideas.

Krekar may have been a threat to his enemies in Kurdistan at some
point, and most of us strongly dislike his political and social
visions, but he has not threatened to attack the Norwegian state or
society.

In a case full of paradoxes, where slightly desperate authorities
wanted to deport and imprison at the same time, it should not come as
a surprise that conclusions are less than clear-cut.

To a small state like Norway, a big case like Krekar was a real test
of the working of the institutions of democracy in the face of
international pressure and in a climate of fear.

The criminal case against Krekar stranded in the Norwegian courts
because of the quality of the evidence. The judicial system of Norway
passed the test.

On the other hand, the Krekar case also suggests that it has become
easier to be defined as a security threat in Norway, as in many other
countries. Clearly, this is a consequence of the fear of terrorism
(and the lamentable fear of Islam) that has enveloped much of the
Western world after 9/11.

Torkel Brekke, is a Norwegian writer.

The opinions expressed here are the author's and do not necessarily
reflect the editorial position or have the endorsement of Aljazeera.

Aljazeera
By Torkel Brekke

http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/8F3FF03D-3B79-41DE-9817-C20835FC8A02.
htm


http://english.aljazeera.net/NR/exeres/8F3FF03D-3B79-41DE-9817-C20835FC8A02.
htm




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